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3 




3C 



J 



f 



jc 



,' ' Wth 




THE 



OLD STONE HOUSE; 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE 



JOSEPH ALDEN, D.D. 



NEW YORK: 

DODD, MEAD & COMPANY, 
751 Broadway. 



r 



3- JAN 15 
Corf 1957 J 

U>i t.mtitm*mt l wn-l*um 






Entered according to Ac! n Congress, in the year 1S4&, 

BY M. \V. DODD, 

n the Clerk's Office for the Southern District of New York 



PREFACE. 



The object of the following volume is to inspire 
the young reader with the spirit of patriotism, tc 
render him familiar with some of the elementary 
principles of the science of government, and to ac- 
quaint him with the origin and formation of the 
Constitution of the United States. The writer de- 
sires to render to his young friends some assistance 
in qualifying themselves to discharge their duties 
as citizens of the republic. 

Williams College, 
Sep'^ember, 1848. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

Some account of the Old Stone House, and of Major 
Manton and his Son Lafayette, .... 9 

CHAPTER n. 

The Growth of the Village— Mr. Manton's Boys— The 
Blacksmith and his notions, ..... 14 

CHAPTER IE. 

The Village Boys at the Stone House — The Idea of 
Liberty and of a Free Country— The Soldier and the 
Lamb — The Haystack and Ride, . . . .21 

CHAPTER IV. 

A Great Man of the Revolution — The Story of the Self- 
made Scholar, 37 



CHAPTER V. 

Political Morality — Public Services not always appre- 
ciated — The Majority may do Wrong — The Church 
and the School House, 51 



CON Tltl NTS. 



CHAPTER /I. 

run 

Military and Moral Courage — The Patriot in Retire- 
ment—His Death, 66 



CHAPTER VH. 
A Conversation at the Blacksmith's Shop, . . .76 

CHAPTER Vm. 

The Machinery of Civil Society and Government not 
devised by Man, 85 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Hay Scales— The Election— The Ship of State, . 93 

CHAPTER X. 
The Proper Mode of Celebrating Independence Day, . 103 

CHAPTER XI. 

Origin and Formation of the Constitution, . . . 108 

CHAPTER XIL 
The Nature of the Constitution, ... .135 



THE OLD STONE HOUSE, 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 



CHAPTER I. 

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE OLD STONE HOUSE — AND OF 
MAJOR MANTON AND HIS SON LAFAYETTE. 

§N the summit of a gentle elevation, 
which overlooked a beautiful valley, 
stood a stone house, whose form beto- 
kened an ancient origin. As you drew near, 
you might see, in iron letters, on its front, the 
date of its erection, 1712. It was built by an 
emigrant from Holland, who selected that 
place on account of the fertile flats border- 
ing the stream which flowed through the val- 
ley, and wound its way to the Hudson 

When the Revolution came on, the house 
was occupied by a grandson of the builder, 
a young man of more ardor and energy than 
was often to be found among the quie 1 ie- 



10 THE OLD STONE HOUaE, OR 

scendants of the Dutch. Like many of his 
brethren, he remained firm in his loyalty to 
King George, and went so far as to raise a 
company of Tories for his service. When 
this became known to the republican govern- 
ment which had been established in the prov- 
ince, his property was confiscated, that is, was 
seized and sold for the benefit of the govern- 
ment. The farm was bid ofFby a speculating 
Yankee, (for such animals even then began to 
abound,) who did not venture to take posses- 
sion of it till the war was over. There were 
many concealed Tories in the neighborhood, 
and the Indians were not a thousand miles 
off. 

At the close of the war, the purchaser took 
possession, and soon sold out to Major Man- 
ton, from the old Bay State. Israel Manton 
entered the Revolutionary service as a private 
soldier, at the beginning of the war, and con- 
tinued in it till our independence was ac- 
knowledged. At the close of the war he 
held a major's commission. He had risen to 
that rank solely by his merit. 

The desire for going West, which has been 
increasing from that time until the present, 
led Major Manton to sell his little farm in the 



HE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 11 

Bay State, and go on a viewing tour, as it 
was called. In the course of his travels in 
the State of New York, he came to the stone 
house, noticed above, and after due delibera- 
tion, he purchased it. The owner was anx- 
ious to sell, in order that he might engage in 
land speculations farther toward the setting 
sun. 

Major Manton, when he removed his fam- 
ily to his new home, induced many of his 
neighbors to accompany him. They pur- 
chased lands in the vicinity of his, and thus 
a thriving Yankee settlement was to be seen 
in a region which had seldom been visited by 
any but the Dutch. The meeting-house soon 
sent its spire aloft, and the log school-house 
stood near it ; and in time, dwelling-houses 
were multiplied enough to constitute a small 
village. This w T as, however, at a little dis- 
tance from the old stone house. 

Major Manton had an only son, whom ne 
named after the generous Frenchman who so 
efficiently promoted the cause of freedom. 
During a part of his soldier life, the Major 
had served under Lafayette's immediate com • 
mand. 

Lafayette Manton was a bright boy, and 



12 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

his father took great pains with his education 
He made it a prominent object to instil into 
his young mind an intense love of liberty, and 
the greatest admiration of Washington and 
the other patriots to whom, under God, we 
owe our deliverance from a foreign yoke. 
Night after night, the Major used to sit with 
his boy upon his knee, pouring into his willing 
ear the stories of the Revolution, and kindling 
up in his young heart the love of excellence 
and of freedom. 

For the last ten years of his life, Major 
Manton was a soldier of the cross ; and when 
he was summoned from time, he departed in 
full assurance of meeting the Great Captain 
of his salvation with joy, and of serving for- 
ever in his immediate presence. 

Lafayette Manton was in his senior year 
in college when his father died. Having com- 
pleted his collegiate course, the circumstances 
of the family seemed to render it necessary 
that he should devote himself, for a time at 
least, to the management of the farm. He 
became so much interested in it, that he soon 
laid aside the idea of studying one of the 
learned professions, and resolved to be an 
intelligent practical farmer for life. Susan 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. J 3 

Coply, the minister's daughter, seemed to ap- 
prove the plan ; for she soon left the parson- 
age, and took up her abode in the stone house, 
and took charge of matters there. Before she 
left the parsonage some simple ceremonies 
took place, which led people, ever afterwards, 
to call her Mrs. Manton instead of Susy 
Coply. 



14 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 



CHAPTER II. 



THE GROWTH OF THE VILLAGE — MR. MANTON S BOYS— 
THE BLACKSMITH AND HIS NOTIONS. 






R. MANTON, although he bore no ti- 
tle, civil or military, soon became the 
leading man in Millford — the name 
which was given to the place in room of a 
Dutch one, somewhat difficult for Yankees to 
pronounce. He filled his lather's place in the 
church, and was very active in all matters 
adapted to promote the public good. The 
cause of education received a large share of 
his attention. The old log school-house was 
removed, and turned into a barn, and a neat, 
well lighted, framed building erected in its 
place. The village grew and prospered, un- 
til the school-house was not large enough to 
hold the scholars, and several new schools 
were opened by enterprising young women 
from the East. 

In due time, 3Ir. Manton had three fine 
boys of his own. Every- body ir the village 



THE PATRIOTS FIRE-IIMI. 15 

knew Mr. Manton's boys : they always looked 
so clean and behaved so well. Every-body 
in the village liked Mr. Manton's boys, and 
pointed to them as models of what boys should 
be. 

Do you ask how this came about ? I will 
tell you. Mr. and Mrs. Manton took great 
pains with their boys, and their boys took 
great pains with themselves. That was the 
secret of their improvement and popularity. 
Many parents take pains with their children, 
whose children do not take pains with them- 
selves. The consequence is. that the pains 
of their parents is, for the most part, lost. 

" Who is the best teacher in these parts T* 
said Mr. Potter, a blacksmith, who liad just 
moved into the village. He had con?-.j to sup 
ply the place of one whose strong -md skil- 
ful arm had been the admiration of tl .e village 
boys, but who had recently felt the horrors of 
delirium tremens, and was rapidly sinking into 
the grave. New England rum was even then 
manufactured, and total abstinence was then 
unknown. ;t Who is the best teacher in these 
parts V said Mr. Potter to Mr. Holden, the 
wagon-maker. 

"Well," said Mr. Holden, removing some 



10 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, C.R 

spent tobacco from his mouth, for the poison- 
ous qualities of tobacco were not then known, 
" Mr. Manton is rather the best one herea- 
bouts, in my way of thinking." 

" Mr. Manton ? That's the man who lives 
in the stone house yonder, on the hill, — is'n't 
it?" 

" Yes, that's the man." 

"Does he keep school ?" 

" No, not after the regular school order ; but 
for all that, he is in my way of thinking, as I 
said, the best teacher in this country. By 
that I mean to say, that he keeps the boys in 
order the best, — does the most towards mak- 
ing men of them. He don't keep school, for 
he works on his farm by day as hard as any- 
body, and he was brought up to college too; 
but the boys are mighty apt to get together at 
his house, and get him to talk to them. He 
seems to have a faculty of making men of 
them. I reckon my boys get more good by go- 
ing there, than by going to school ; though we 
have a pretty smart school-ma'am from down 
East. But you want a school for your boys : 
well, 1 don't know as it makes much differ- 
ence which they go to — all the schools are 
pretty good I bd ieve. The greatest difficulty 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 17 

seems to be, that our school-ma'ams all get 
married as soon as they get their schools un- 
der headway, and that is an end of their teach- 
ing." 

'•' I want to send my boy to the very best 
school," said Potter, in his earnestness raising 
his voice. " You see, I'm from the old coun- 
try, and I heard that a way off in this country, 
a blacksmith's boy could be allowed to go tc 
the best schools, and be as well treated as the 
best of them, if he behaved himself: and I 
said, That's the country for me. So here I 
am, and I believe the case is about as it was 
told me. Why, where I lived, in the old 
country, do you think my boy could go to 
school with the Minister's son 1 His Rever- 
ence, they called him, — I'm glad you haven't 
any such creatures here, — when you spoke 
to him you mustn't say, Sir, or Mister, but 
1 Your Reverence :' — As I was saying, my 
boy couldn't go to school with his boy, or 
the Squire's. Not at all. Well, to see how 
different it is in your country, that is, in 
this country, or my country, — for it is mine 
now, — I say, just see how different it is here. 
The day after I got my bellows a-going, 
your Minister, — I mean our Minister, came 
2* 



18 



THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 



along with a boy on each hand, and stopped 
at the door of the shop, and said he, ' You 
mean to send your boy there to school ?' 

•' ' Of course I does,' said I. ' I don't know 
exactly what school to send him to: I'm a 
stranger here.' 

"'You can't make any mistake,' said he. 
'Our schools are all pretty good.' 

" ' Are you willing that my boy should go 
to school where yours do?' said I. 

" ' Willing !' says he : ' Why not ? You 
have a right to send your boy where you 
please. The school which my oldest boy goes 
to is full, I believe ; but there is room where 
my two younger ones go. I'm going right 
there now : come, go with me. I want to see 
that boy a learning; he looks like a bright 
boy.' 

" Says I, ' Would you have me go with you, 
with my leather apron on ?' 

ut Why, yes,' said he, 'you will be back in 
a moment, and at your work : it is but a step. 
Come on.' 

'"Bless your Reverence,' said I,— I said it 
before I thought, but I never said ' your rev- 
erence' so heartily before in my life,—' you're 
my minister, no matter what you believe. I 



THE PATRIOT^ FIRESIDE. 19 

Can't leave the shop now, for I've promised 
this job by noon, and shall have hard work 
to get it done ; but ray boy shall be in school 
in a day or two.' — -You see, tho night before, 
the fellow that tends bar up at the tavern 
there, got hold of me, and tried to set me 
against the Minister, as proud, and holding to 
some pretty hard doctrine, But it was of no 
use. I know a gentleman when I see him ; 
I've seen them before. I pretty much made 
up my mind then to send my boy where his'n 
went ; but I thought I would hear what you 
said about the schools." 

" You think }~ou will like this country, 
then V 9 

"First rate, and no doubt about it. It isn't 
half so hard to work here ; that is, it isn't 
half so hard work to do the same piece of 
work here as it was there ; though I have to 
turn my hand to a good many more things 
than I did there. But then • ou are not very 
particular how a thing is ^o,^, if it is done 
strong ; so 1 think I shall be able to do about 
all I am called on to do in my line." 

41 What makes it easier V 

" Why I can breathe easier. There isn't 
any proud ones looking down upon me, as if I 



29 THE OLD STOITS HOU8S, OR 

were a slave ; and what is more, tnere is no 
body here treating my children as if they were 
horn to serve them ! I don't count myself to 
be a very proud man, and I don't want my chil- 
dren to be proud ; I always want them to 
work for a living. But if they grow up I want 
them to feel that they are men and women, i'vee 
men and women ; and that feeling a black- 
smith's children can't have in the old country. 
They must not look any higher than the sta- 
tion in which they were born. I'm not one 
of those who think the poor have a right 
to fare as well as the rich ; I don't think any 
such thins; but I am one of those who think 
there ought to be a chance for the poor to 
better their condition, and to rise in the world, 
if they deserve to ; and it's the glory of this 
country that \'. affords them a chance t ) do 
so. 



the patriot's fireside. 21 



CHAPTER Til. 

THE MLLAGE BOYS AT THE STONE HOUSE THE IDEA 

OF LIBERTY AND OF A FREE COUNTRY THE SOLDIER 

AND THE LAMB — THE HAYSTACK AND RIDE. 

MO WARD, has your father returned ?" 
This question was addressed by Wil 
Ham Palmer to Howard Manton, just 
after school was dismissed. A number of 
bovs were within hearing, and seemed to 
wait earnestly for an answer to William's 
question. 

" Yes," replied Howard, " he returned last 
night." 

" Is he well ?" said William. 

"Very well." 

(i He asked us to come and see him, after he 
returned from the city. Do you think he 
would like to have us come to-night ?" 

I don't know any thing to the contrary : I 
wish you had spoken about it at noon, and 
then I could have asked him. I guess you 
had better come ; if he is engaged^, we can 



22 THE OLD STONE HO;SE, OR 

play out-doors : it will be a fine moonlight 
night." 

" I had rather not go if there is any proba- 
bility of his being engaged ; for if he knows 
we have come, he may disoblige himself to 
please us," said William, very considerately. 

" I'll tell you what we can do," said Richard 
Wolcott ; " let us go up there, and stop just 
before we get to the house, till William goes 
and sees if Mr. Manton wishes to see us. If 
he does, William can come and call us ; and 
if he don't, he needn't let him know we are 
there." 

" I don't think my father would like that 
plan," said Howard. u He never likes to 
have any secret things going on. The best 
way will be for you to come, and if he is en- 
gaged, he will say so : he is never too polite 
to speak the truth." 

" Agreed," " let that be the way ;" was ut- 
tered by several voices. At this moment Mr. 
Manton was seen passing in a wagon. " There 
goes your father," said Richard. 

" I will ask him now," said Howard. 

Mr. Manton stopped his horse, as he saw 
his son coming towards him. Howard made 
known to him the wishes of the boys. " Tell 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 23 

them ' said Mr. Man ton, " that I shall be 
happy to see them at half- past six o'clock." He 
drove on, and Howard made his report to the 
boys, to their evident delight. 

" Now, boys," said Howard, as they were 
about to separate, " please remember that 
when my father says half- past six, he means 
half-past six, — he don't mean ten minutes be- 
fore, nor ten minutes after that time." 

" We will remember," was the reply. 

Mr. Manton was a punctual man himself, 
ancl/tried to make others punctual. He had 
succeeded so far as his boys were concerned. 
They were always at the school-house in time. 
They were always at meeting in time. "Come, 
it is time to go to meeting, for Mr. Manton's 
boys are going ;" was a phrase often uttered on 
the Sabbath, in families who lived on the road 
between the stone house and the meeting-house. 
One day the schoolmistress came to the school- 
room at precisely nine o'clock, as she supposed, 
and the Manton boys were not there. " They 
are not coming to-day," was her first thought. 
She began school. In a few moments they 
came in, and were a good deal surprised to 
find the school begun " Something detained 
them," thought she, as she saw them enter ; " I 



24 THE OLD STONE HO 7SE, OR 

never knew it to happen before." When she 
went home at noon, she found that she had 
changed watches with the lady with whom 
she boarded, and thai the watch which had 
governed her movements, was ten minutes too 
fast! 

At half-past six, nearly a dozen boys pre- 
sented themselves at once at the door of the 
stone house. They were shown in by Howard, 
and were seated around the large fireplace. It 
was late in October, and a fire was grateful, as 
diffusing warmth as well as cheerfulness in 
the apartment. The blacksmith's boy came 
among the rest : he felt a little embarrassed, 
and chose his place in one corner of the room, 
behind some of the other boys. Mr. Manton 
noticed his embarrassment, and addressed a 
few words to him for the purpose of putting 
him at his ease ; but he did not succeed in his 
benevolent design. The poor boy had been 
so little used to being spoken kindly and cour- 
teously to by those who were above him in so- 
ciety, that he could not get confidence enough 
to converse with Mr. Manton, — the man who 
was looked up to as much by the inhabitants 
of the village, as the Squire was in the village 
in which he used to live in old England. Tc 



THE PATRIOT^ FIRESIDE. 25 

Mr. Manton's question if he was glad lie was 
in a free country, he managed to say, ' Yes, 
sir." 

" Boys," said Mr. Manton, " what is a free 
country ?" 

No one replied. 

" What do you say to that question, Rich- 
ard r 

*• This is a free country," said Richard. 

a That is true, but we wish to know what 
a free country is, so that we may know one 
when w 7 e find it. What is a free country, 
William ?" 

" It is a country in which liberty is enjoyed," 
said William. 

" What do you mean by liberty ?" 

" The privilege of doing as we please." 

" Is that a good definition of liberty ? la 
there any one here who thinks that is not a 
good definition of liberty V 

No one made any reply to this question ; in 
fact, all present thought that liberty consisted 
in the power to do as we please. 

" The Irishman that I heard of must have 
had a just idea of a free eountry, and of lib- 
erty. He came to a fine peacn orchard, and 
began to help himself very liberally to peaches 



26 THE OLD TONE FIOUbE, OR 

The owner questioned his ri^ht to do so 
' Aha, honey/ said Pat, ' and rsn't it a free 
country I'm in?' Pat's idea of liberty, you 
see, was according to the definition just giv- 
en, viz. the privilege of doing as we please. 
Pat went on, and at evening he told a far- 
mer he believed be would sleep in his barn : 
the good-natured farmer made no objection. 
Having occasion to go into the barn for some- 
thing, he found his lodger, lying at his ease on 
the hay, smoking his pipe. The farmer re- 
buked him sharply for endangering his prop- 
erty so carelessly : he ordered him to throw 
away his pipe. ' Isn't it a free country I*m in/ 
said Pat, 'and can't a man smoke in peace in 
a free country ? I could smoke in old Ireland, 
if I could only get the tobacca/ So he held on 
to his pipe, determined to exercise his rights in 
a free country. The farmer seized a bucket 
of filthy water, that happened to be standing 
near, and threw it in Pat's face, thus extin- 
guishing his pipe. As Pat was disposed t< i 
for his liberty, the farmer, (who was a very 
strong man,) seized him, and pitched him out 
of the barn head-foremost. Pat gathered 
himself up and went on his way, to enjoy hia 
liberty in same other part of the country 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 27 

What do you say. William, to Pat's dea of 
liberty?" 

64 It was not the right one, sir," said William. 

" It is according to your definition." 

" 1 know it, sir, but the definition is not 
right." 

"Well, can you give a better one ?" 

" Liberty consists in being allowed to do as 
we please," 

" Provided we- please to do right," said Mr. 
Manton, finishing the sentence for him, after 
having waited a long time for him to finish it 
himself. 

" Yes, sir," said William, " I think that will 
do." 

" A free country, then, is one in which the 
people are at liberty to do as they please, pro- 
vided they please to do right — that is, are free 
to do right, and are restrained from doing 
wrong. Every one is under obligation to do 
what is right ; this every one will acknowl- 
edge — it don't need any proof. Now, if a man 
is free to do every thing that is right, and is 
hindered from doing nothing except that which 
is wrong, he certainly enjoys all the liberty he 
can ask for. No one can ask for liberty to do 
wrong, — there can be no such thing as liberty 



28 THE OLD STOXE HOUSE, OR 

to do wrong. Suppose the laws of a country 
forbid only that which is wrong, and are faith- 
fully executed, then every one will be secure 
from wrong, and free to do right. What sort 
of a country would that be, which should have 
and execute such laws ?" 

" A free country," said William ; * but is 
there such a country in the world ?" 

u There is no country in which the laws 
come fully up to this mark, and hence there is 
no perfectly free country in the world. So 
far as the laws and the execution of them in 
any country approach this standard, so far 
is that country a free country. "' 

" A perfectly free country, then," said How- 
ard, " would be a country of perfectly good 
laws." 

" Exactly so ; the perfection of law would 
be the perfection of liberty. I should like to 
have you all try to remember that expression. " 

There was silence for a moment, except so 
far as it was broken by some whispered repe- 
titions of the sentence, " the perfection of law 
is the perfection of liberty. 

"I always had a sort of idea," said Thomas 
Hawkes. • that there was the most liberty 



r HE patriot's fireside. 29 

where there was not much of any law ; but I 
see I was wrong." 

" What would be the state of things, if there 
were no laws forbidding wrong-doing ? what 
sort of a country would it be ?" 

"It would be a free country, according to 
Pafs notion." 

'• I always thought," said another boy, " that 
this was a free country because we haven't 
any king over us." 

'" A country with a king at the head of its 
government may be a free country ; — it may 
have such laws as we have noticed above, and 
securities, for their execution." 

" But if a nation has a king, he can do as 
he has a mind to," said one ; " he may not 
have a mind to make such laws, or he may 
not have a mind to have them executed." 

" A country in which the laws depend upon 
the will of a king, cannot be a free country ; 
in order to be a free country, there must be a 
government of laws, and the king must be 
bound by the laws as well as anybody else. ; ' 

" I thought kings could always do as they 



" It is only when they are possessed of ab- 
solute power, as it is called, that they can do 
3* 



30 THE OLD STONjS HOUSE, OR 

as they please. But all kin^s are not absolute 
monarchs : a king over a country that lias a 
constitution, is bound by that constitution. 
If that constitution be a wise one, and the 
laws passed under it are wise, then the coun- 
try may as really be a free country, as if it 
have the forms of republicanism." 

" Now," said William, " I know the mean- 
ing of that sentence in the piece I spoke — ' A 
constitutional monarchy is consistent with 
freedom !' " 

" Father," said Howard, " I don't see but 
that a country under an absolute monarch 
maybe a free country. Suppose the absolute 
monarch should make laws allowing even- 
one to do what is right, and forbidding only 
that which is wrong, and should faithfully ex- 
ecute those laws ? Wouldn't that country be 
a free country ? I know it seems odd to say 
so." 

" That is, it seems rather odd to call a coun- 
try whose government is an absolute despot- 
ism, a free country." 

" Yes, sir." 

" It is essential to liberty, that there should 
be security against wrong. Now, if an absolute 
monarch should do as yoi have supposed, (hat 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 31 

country might be said to enjoy liberty for the 
time being ; but it could not be called a free 
country, because it has no security for the 
continuance of such a state of things. The 
monarch may abolish all such laws whenever 
he pleases, and proceed to oppress the people. 
A slave may be permitted to go where he 
pleases, for a time, and he may for a time en- 
joy as much freedom as a freeman, yet he is 
not a freeman so long as he is liable at any 
moment to be wholly subjected to the will of 
another. In a free country, the laws must be 
supreme, there must be no human power above 
them. A slave may have a good master, and 
a country may have a good despot ; but nei- 
ther can properly be said to be free." 

The boys had paid very good attention to 
what had been said, though some of them 
wished Mr. Manton would tell them a story. 
He understood their wishes, and was willing 
to gratify them. 

" I have heard," said he, " my father give 
some account of a soldier that was in his com- 
pany, for a time, in the Revolution, whose no- 
tions of liberty were similar to those of Pat's. 
He met with some mishaps in carrying his no- 
tions of liberty into practice. He was a proud, 



32 NIE OLD 3 TONE HOU8E, OR 

blustering fellow, and had a great deal to say 
about fighting for liberty. One day he thought 
he would treat his love of liberty with a lamb. 
They had nothing but salt provisions in the 
camp, and fresh meat was a great luxury. He 
walked three or four miles from the camp, to 
a pasture which was out of sight of any house. 
There was a flock of sheep in the pasture, and 
they were quite tame. Howell, for that was his 
name, went up to the flock, and easily caught 
a fine large lamb ; he laid him on the ground, 
putting his knee on his neck to hold him there, 
and put his hand in his pocket to draw out his 
knife, with a view of cutting the lamb's throat. 
Just before he got the knife out of his pocket, 
the old ram. who wore a monstrous pair of 
horns, came up behind him, and surveyed him 
for a moment ; then stepped backwards for a 
few paces, and then rushed forward, and gave 
him a blow that fairly sent his feet over his 
head, and rolled him down a declivitv to the 
distance of two or three rods. The lamb 
jumped up and ran away, but Howell took his 
time for it. It was a long *ime before he 
could get up at all, and then he could hardly 
manage to reach the camp. His gait when he 
entered ; t differed materially from his custom 



THE FATEIOT 3 FIRESIDE. 33 

ary strut. His advemure was found out, and 
he suffered as much from the gibes of his com- 
rades, as he did from the horns of the ram. 

At another time, he thought he would ex- 
ercise his liberty in taking some fowls from a 
farmer. The fowls roosted on the top of a 
hay-stack, and were thus considered out of 
reach. One night he took one or two with 
him, and carried a long pole which he placed 
against the stack. He succeeded in climbing 
it, and reached the place where chanticleer 
and his family were reposing in fancied secu- 
rity. He seized him first, and proceeded to 
wring his neck ; but chanticleer was disposed 
to make considerable resistance ; and in so 
doing, one of his spurs struck Howell in the 
eye. This caused him to let go his hold of 
the pole which passed up through the centre 
of the hay. In consequence he slipped off 
from the stack, on the side opposite to that 
which he had ascended. He felt himself 
sliding off, but as his feet were downwards, he 
didn't anticipate any harm. The stack about 
midway was much larger than it was at the 
bottom ; so that when he came to that part, 
he no longer slid, but dropped to the earth. 
(; happened that an ur broken colt was sleep- 



31 THE OLn STOtffi BOISE, OR. 

ing on that side of the stack. Hearing the 
noise made above his head, he rose up on 
nis feet, just in time to receive Howell on 
his back. It happened that Howell fell on 
the colt's back in the position of one riding, 
only his face was not towards the colt's head. 
Away went the colt, as swiftly as he could 
run, and Howell had nothing to do but to sit 
still. He did not dare to throw himself off 
while the horse was under such headway. 
The field was large : the colt carried him 
around it several times, and then concluding, 
I suppose, that he had ridden far enough, threw 
up his hind-feet into the air, and deposited 
him on the ground. Howell came home to 
the camp without his hat. He was pretty 
much cured of his liberty notions after that." 

" Did your father ever tell you what be- 
came of him, at last ?" 

" He didn't turn out well, as you may sup- 
pose. After he left the army, he set up a 
small grog-shop, and tried to get a living by 
selling rum, and by cheating. There wasn't 
as much rum drank in those days as there is 
now. He became very poor, and at last killed 
himself by drinking. He was found frozen t«» 
death one morning in the road. My father 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 35 

said he belonged to a very orderly and upright 
family. His father and mother were good 
people, and all his brothers became respecta- 
ble and useful men." 

" If he was brought up well, how did he 
come to be so bad ?'' said William. 

"I will tell you. When he was a boy, he 
got the idea that it was a very fine thing to 
play tricks on his companions. He did not 
do it out of malice, but because he thought it 
was smart. He used to spend a great deal 
of time in devising tricks, and in so doing ; 
often found it convenient to trespass on the 
rights of others. He reconciled it to his con- 
science by saying that he had no bad motive, 
that he only did it for fun. He began to do 
wrong for fun, as he called it, and that led 
him into the habit of doing wrong, and then 
he could do wrong from other motives ; and 
so he went on, till he had little sense of justice 
or right left. That is the natural course of 
wickedness. When, from any cause, you 
bring yourself to do wh^t you know to be 
wrong, you will go on doing worse and worse. 
The only way to avoid becoming a bad man. 
is. not to begin to do wrong. I have talked 
to you as much as I have time to this even- 



36 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

iug. If you will come to see me next Wed- 
nesday night, I will talk to you about some of 
the great men of the Revolution. You will 
like to hear about them V 

" Yes, sir, we shall," said Richard. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 37 



CHAPTER IV. 

GREAT MAN OF THE REVOLUTION — THE STORS OF 
THE SELF-MADE SCHOLAR. 

I^EDNESDAY night came at. last, and 
the boys came to the stone house. 
" Boys," said Mr. Manton, " we are to 
talk about one of the great men of the Rev- 
olution to-night." 

" About one of the great Generals, I hope," 
whispered one. 

" No," said Mr. Manton, who overheard the 
remark, " not about one of the great Generals. 
I wish to set before you the character of one 
who did a great deal for his country, and never 
spilled a drop of human blood. I do not think 
there was one, except Washington, who did 
more for his country than did the great Bible 
Statesman, John Jay. There was no man in 
the country that Washington thought more of." 
*' Did he ever serve in the army ?" said Wil- 
liam Palmer. 

4 



H8 THE 01. D STONE HOUSE, OR 

"No, but he was engaged in the civil ser- 
vice of the country from the c ■■inent 
of the Revolution till the year 1S01. 
than a quarter of a century was given to his 
country." 

"What offices did he hold ?" said Howard. 

" He was Chief Justice of the state of New 
York, a member of the Continental Coir. 
Minister to Spain, Secretary for Foreign Af- 
fairs, Chief Justice of the United States, and 
Governor of New York. These and many 
other offices and trusts were held by him dur- 
ing the course of his public life. Very few 
men have been placed in circumstances i 
great responsibility as he was/' 

'• Which was the last office which he held *r" 
said William. 

" He was Governor of New York." 

'•Is the office of Governor of New York 
higher than that of Chief Justice of the Uni- 
ted States?" 

" By no means. The chief justiceship is the 
most honorable office in the country, < 
perhaps, the presidency." 

"Did they turn him out of the justi 

"No, he resigned, in order to be Governor 
of New York ' 



THE PATRIOT^ FIRESIDE. 39 

* .Why did he wish to be governor so 
much ?" 

" He did not wish to be governor at all. In 
he circumstances in which he was placed, he 
thought it was his duty to lay down a higher 
and accept of a lower office, and he did so. 
This was the principle which governed him 
throughout his public life. He never sought" 
an office ; he never asked himself. How shall I 
gain that station, or secure that advantage ? 
the question which he always asked was, what 
is duty ? The fame and influence he attained, 
affords a remarkable illustration of the declara- 
tion of the Saviour, 'He that humbleth him- 
self shall be exalted.' " 

" I never heard so much about Mr. Jay as I 
have about some other men — General Green, 
and General Putnam, and other generals." 

" People love to hear about military men. 
They will praise the man who has been the 
means of killing a few thousand men, more 
than they will praise the man who, by his coun- 
sels, has saved the lives of many thousands, and 
brought security and prosperity to ten thou- 
sand firesides. It is time that the young learn 
to admire and love those who save men's lives, 
instead of those who destroy them. You have 



40 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

not heard as much about Mr. Jay, as you have 
about men who did not do the country the 
thousandth part of the good whicn he did. 
To show you what Washington thought of 
him, let me tell you that, when the present 
constitution went into operation, Washington 
wrote to Jay, asking him to accept of any sta- 
tion in the government which it was in his 
power to bestow. He, after due consideration, 
decided that it was his duty to accept the office 
of chief justice. Probably there was no other 
man in the country, to whom Washington 
would have written such a letter. It shows 
what he thought of Mr. Jay's talents and qual- 
ifications for office. He was willing to com- 
mit any department of the government into 
his hands. I should deem it more honor to 
receive such a letter, than to receive all the 
shouts that have been given to the most suc- 
cessful warrior. 

" There was another occasion, when Wash • 
ington relied upon John Jay to do what could 
be done by no other man in America. While 
he was President, the French Revolution came 
on, and the people of the United Stal 
ful to the French for the aid given us in secur- 
ing our liberties, re/oiced in the prospect of 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 41 

their enjoy ing a similar blessing. When France 
and England went to war, the sympathies of 
the Americans were with the French. Many 
wished to join with France, and rush into a 
war with England. England + oo had contin- 
ued to treat us rery badly, and this increased 
the desire to go to war with her. Washing- 
ton knew what a dreadful thing war was, and 
determined, if possible, to save his country 
from its terrors. He sympathized with the 
French, that is, he earnestly desired to see them 
enjoy the blessings of freedom ; but he early 
foresaw how the revolution would turn out. 
He foresaw that France would fall into the 
hands of bloody and tyrannical men, and that 
to be the allies of a nation led by such men, 
would bring ruin upon the country. He deter- 
mined to preserve a strict neutrality between 
the contending parties. He felt keenly the 
aggressions of England, but deemed it unwdse 
to go to war with her, if it could be honorably 
avoided. As a last resort, he resolved to send 
Mr. Jay to England as Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary, to see if redress could not be secured, 
and the disputes between the two countries 

settled without an appeal to arms." 

4# 



42 Tin: OLD STONE HOUSE, or 

" What is meant by minister plenipoten- 
tiary ?"' said Richard. 

It should be remarked, that Mr. Manton had 
given the boys liberty to ask him questions re- 
specting any thing spoken by him which they 
did not understand. 

" The word plenipotentiary, is composed of 
two Latin words : plenus, full, and potevtia, 
power. It means a minister with full powers 
to negotiate a treaty on the part of the nation 
which he represents. Mr. Jay set out on his 
mission, and. after many months of arduous 
labor, succeeded in negotiating a treaty 
which secured for many years peace with 
England, and great prosperity to the United 
States. If we had gone to war with England 
at that time, no one can tell what would have 
been the result. We were, in some respects, 
in circumstances less favorable to carrying on 
a war then, than in the time of the revolution. 
George Washington, and John Jay. wore the 
two men that saved the country from a war 
that would have cost thousands of lives,, and 
many hundreds of millions of treasure. Had 
either of those men been taken away at that 
time, or had the) been different men from what 
thev were, war would have been inevitable." 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 43 

•' Were the British afraid of Washington ?"*" 
said Thomas, in a tone which sounded like an 
affirmation, rather than a question. 

" No, they were not afraid of anybody, or 
any thing. They were not afraid of Washing- 
ton, but they had perfect confidence in his in- 
tegrity. They felt perfectly sure that he would 
do whatever he said he would do. They also 
had perfect confidence in the integrity of John 
Jay, and therefore believed him, when he told 
them what Washington's views and wishes 
were. When John Jay told the British gov- 
ernment, that Washington meant to preserve 
a perfect neutrality between England and 
France, that he meant to do just right towards 
England in all respects, they were sure it was 
so, and proceeded to form a treaty between the 
two countries." 

" What caused the British to have such con- 
fidence in the integrity of Washington and 
Jay V said Howard. 

' : Their lives of uniform integrity. Neither 
of them, on any occasion, had been known to 
deviate from the path of truth and honestv. 
Both "»f them had been accustomed to view 
every thing in the light of duty. Jay hac 
spent many years in Europe during the revo- 



44 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, <>,': 

lution. He was minister to the court of Spain, 
and one of the commissioners to make peace 
with England at the close of the revolution ; 
hence his character was pretty well known to 
the public men of England, and hence his pow- 
er to save his country. The greatest honor 
any man can have is thus to possess the entire 
confidence of wise men. Xow you can all 
secure in some degree this honor. In what 
way can you do it ?" 

" By always doing right,'' answered several 
voices. 

" That is it ; by always speaking the truth, 
by always being sincere in all your professions, 
and honest in all your conduct. This must 
be done in little things as well as in great things. 
By always pursuing this course, you will 
gradually form a character which will gain the 
confidence of all who know you. and give you 
more valuable friends, and greater influence, 
than can be gained by any other course. Some 
persons think they will gain something bv pre- 
tending to be very friendly when they are in- 
different, and by shrewdly pushing themselves 
forward ; but they are in error. They may sue- 
ceed for a time : but they will never have the in 
fluence which is given to sterling straight-for- 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 45 

ward honesty and integrity. Which is the 
most honorable of the two following ways of 
preventing war and great public evils ? In 
one case, the confidence reposed in the char- 
acter of the men charged with the manage- 
ment of the affair, leads to the desired result. 
In the other case, the managers are so shrewd 
and crafty, that they succeed by artifice and 
chicanery, in securing the same result. Which 
is the most honorable of the two ?" 

" The first mentioned," said one, and very 
general assent was given to his answer. 

"I think one of the noblest scenes in the 
history of that stormy period, was the position 
occupied by Washington and Jay, the homage 
paid to their firmness and purity. The con- 
fidence reposed in the integrity of two men, 
saved two powerful nations from a bloody war. 
Young persons are apt to think that talent and 
bravery are of great consequence in public af- 
fairs, and that moral character is of not much 
consequence. But you see that rfioral charac- 
ter is of consequence, that it can sometimes do 
what talent and courage cannot do. These 
great men formed their own moral characters. 
They always patiently held on to the right. 
Was it not quite worth whil* + .o pay the atten- 



46 THE OLD STONE HOUSc, OR 

tion to it which they did. when it gave them 
such power for good ?" 

" Were Washington and Jay alike in early 
years?'" said William. 

" The circumstances in which they were 
placed were quite different, yet their course 
of conduct was very similar. Both were re- 
markable for the obedience they always paid 
to their parents, both were very diligent in the 
use of the means of mental improvement, both 
always spoke the truth and reverenced rel'g- 
ion. I recollect an anecdote which illustrates 
Jay's attachment to the truth. When he was 
in college, some mischief was done by some 
of the students in Jay's presence. The pres- 
ident asked several who were present, if they 
knew who did it. and they all answered, no, 
until the question came to Jay. He told the 
president that he did know. He would not 
lie, though the example had been set him by 
some older than himself." 

M Which 4iad the best advantages of educa- 
tion — Washington or Jay ?" said Thomas. 

u Mr. Jay had the better advantages. lie 
had good schooling till he was titled tor col- 
lege, and then he had the advantage of a full 
collegiate course. Washington, you know, did 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 47 

not go „o college. Both were very careful to 
make all the improvement in their power. 
After all, the improvement which persons 
make, dej>ends much more upon their own ef 
forts, than upon their teachers. If a person is 
determined to cultivate his mind, if he is de- 
termined to leam to think, if he is determined 
to lay up a store of useful knowledge, he will 
succeed. The difference in the attainments 
of men are owing much more to their resolu- 
tions than to the different advantages they pos- 
sess. It is well for young persons to make use 
of the best advantages for acquiring knowl- 
edge which they can command, but thev are 
not to despond because others have better ad- 
vantages. Let them go to work, and do the best 
they can. If they only have a strong will, they 
will do wonders in time. I once knew a young 
man who had a strong desire for knowledge, 
but no means of gratifying it. He had no books, 
and little leisure, and he was bound to ser- 
vice till he was twenty-one. He resolved that 
he would have an education. He knew thai 
it would cost him great labor. He did not ex- 
pect to be able to do much till his time was 
out. but he resolved to do what he could 
There were no books in the house in which 



48 THE OLD STONE HOI SE, OR 

he lived, but the Bible, and an odd volume of 
history. He studied his Bible pretty well, and 
got all he could out of the volume of hi 
He then tried to borrow a few hoiks. When 
he got a book, he would eat his dinner in half 
the usual time, and spend the moments thus 
saved in reading. Then when at work in the 
field, he would think over all that he read. By 
that means he made ail that the books con- 
tained, completely his own. One dav while in 
the physician's office, to get a tooth extracted, 
he saw an old Latin grammar lying neglected 
on a shelf. He borrowed it. He used to carry 
it with him night and day. When ploughing 
in the field, he would take it out and study it 
as he walked along in the furrow. Winter 
came on. He was too poor to furnish himself 
with candle light, so he ranged over the fields, 
and woods, and collected a large quantity of 
pine knots. By the light of these, he studied 
the long winter evenings. When the fire got 
low, so that it did not give out much light, he 
used to lay down on his back, with his head 
towards the fire, and study till the lire ci 
to shed light enough to enable him to see. He 
was not fifteen years old when he began this 
course. He mastered the Lati n grammar, pro- 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 49 

cured a Greek grammar, and commuted that 
to memory, and kept on with the same deter- 
mined energy till he was eighteen years old, 
when his employer released him from further 
service. Though without money, by teaching 
in winter and working in haying in summer, 
and borrowing some money from friends which 
his perseverance had raised up for him, he got 
through college, and graduated at the head of 
his class. He became a distinguished man in the 
world, and served his generation well. There 
is not one who hears me, who has not better 
advantages than he had. Only determine that 
you will know something, and there is nothing 
in your way in this country. Every one can 
have a first-rate education, if he has a mind 
to." 

" Would not the person you have been speak- 
ing of have had a better education, if he had 
been sent to school as soon as he was old 
enough, and kept at school till he went to col- 
lege V 9 

" I think it is likely, nay certain, that he 
would have been a more accurate scholar in 
some things ; but I doubt whether he would, 
on the whole, have had a better educa- 
tion : I doubt whether he would have had a 
5 



50 THE OLD STONE BOUSE, OR 

stronger mind, lie himself was disposed to 
regard the discipline he had passed through as 
the best adapted to give him energy and per- 
severance. Now, my young friends, what we 
want in this country is men of strong minds, 
and warm and true hearts ; and unless the 
boys resolve to become such men, and make 
themselves such, we cannot have them. 
We want a race of Jays, and Washingtons. 
We have no nobles in this country — no dukes, 
earls and 'lords, and we don't want them. We 
can get along without them, it* we can have 
a race of such men as those just named. We 
shall not need any titled nobility to make our 
nation honored in the eyes of the world, if we 
can have such men. The names of George 
Washington and John Jay, carried more re- 
spect with them throughout Europe than those 
of any nobles of their times. I want my 
young countrymen to resolve to be like them, 
strong-minded, true-hearted men, who 
God, and fear nothing else. But I have g 
you a long lecture. At some otjier time I will 
tell you something more about the Biijle 

STATESMAN." 



1PHF, PATRIOTS flRESIDE, 



CHAPTER V. 

rOTJTTCAL MORALITY — PUBLIC SERVICES NOT ALWAYS 
APPRECIATED — THE MAJORITY MAY DO WRONG— THE 
CHURCH AND THE SCHOOL-HOUSE, 

^73 R. MANTON, we hare come to hear 
& some more about John Jay, it it is con- 
J| venient for you," said William Pal- 
mer. '* I should like to know, sir, why }^ou 
called him the Bible Statesman?" 

" Because he governed his conduct in all 
things by the Bible. There are some states- 
men who think that the rules of morality do 
not apply to nations, or rather who think that, 
as public men, they must sometimes depart 
from that rule of right which they confess to 
be obligatory on them as private citizens. Mr. 
Jay made no such foolish distinction. He be- 
lieved that duty pervaded public as well as 
private life, and he regarded the Bible as the 
standard, and directory of duty. He consult- 
ed it to know how he should act in public a£ 



52 Tirh OLD -I'. \ E HOi Sfc, OR 

fairs, just as much as he did to know how Me 
should act in private affairs. 'God governs 

the world." he used to say. 'and we have only 
to doour duty wisely, and leave the event with 

him/ It is because he always acted in view 
of the truth contained in those words, that I 
called him the Bible' Statesman." 

" Was Mr. Jay a professor of religion .'"' said 
Howard. 

" Yes, he was a communicant in the Episco- 
pal Church. He made no ostentatious pr 
sions of piety, but was always willing to have 
it known that he was a Christian. When he 
was in France, he was one day at dinner with 
a number of distinguished gentlemen who 
infidels : the conversation turned on the subject 
of Christianity, which they seemed to regard 
as something obsolete and exploded. Mr. Jay 
kept silence, till one of them turned to him, 
and said, ' Do you believe in Christ.' ' I do, 1 
said Mr. Jay, firmly and solemnly, 'and 1 
thank God that I do.' There was noth- 
ing more said against Christianity at that 
table. Mr. Jay was. throughout his \\ 
life, a plain, every -day Christian. 

"In 1811 he was choFen President of the 
American Bible Society In alette* to the 



the patriot's fireside 53 

secretary of the society, in reply to the one 
giving him notice of his election, he lays down 
the principle that governed him in regard to 
offices. ' It has long and uniformly been my 
opinion that no person should accept an office, 
or place, unless he is both able and willing to 
do the duties of it.' After having mentioned 
his ill health, he says : ' Were I in a capacity to 
do the duties of the office, I should accept it 
without hesitation. I say without hesitation, 
because I should then as much doubt my hav- 
ing a right to decline, as I now 7 doubt my hav- 
ing a right to accept.' Thus, in regard to 
every office that was offered him (and he never 
sought one in his life) the question was one 
of duty. 

"His doubts in regard to the office last 
named were removed. He became President 
of the Society, and was yearly re-elected till 
the close of his life. He was also a member 
of the American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions, and took a deep interest in 
its operations." 

" I thought father said he was a member of 
the Episcopal Church," said Howard. 

" So I did." 

5* 



54 THE OLD ST >NE Hois::. OR 

*' Well, the American Board is an institution 
of i.ie Congregational Church."' 

"True, the Board is under the control of 
Congregational ists and Presbyterians, hut that 

nade no difference with such a man as J a v. 
He was no bigot. He professed to belong to 
the Episcopal Church, but he had fellowship for 

al! Christians, and was willing to unite with 
them in efforts to do good." 

" Do you think it best for Christians of one 
denomination to belong to the societies of 
other denominations ?" 

"Not as a general thing, There are some 
great societies, such as the Bible Society for 
example, in which all Evangelical Christians 
unite ; but in general, a man will extend his 
labor to best advantage, by working in con- 
nection with those of his own church. When 
Mr. Jay became a member of the American 
Board of Commissioners, there was no mis- 
sionary society in the Episcopal Church. If 
there had been, I have no doubt he would have 
turned his contributions and influence into 
that channel. I said that Judge .lav was an 
every-day Christian. He experienced, in a 
high degree, the comforts and consolaifans of 
Chris Tan hope. In a letter to his brother, he 
3 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 55 

says: 'I know, and that from experience, 
that, more consolation is to be derived from a 
firm confidence in the wisdom of Him who 
governs the world, and from resignation to His 
will, who never errs, than from all other cir- 
cumstances and considerations united. Our 
departed friends have but gone home before 
us. We must all follow ; and, if prepared to 
follow, shall, after a little while, rejoin them 
where death or pain can never intrude.' 

" Again, in a letter to his daughter in similar 
circumstances, he writes : ' You have your 
troubles, my dear daughter, and I feel as well 
as observe them. But I comfort myself with 
the reflection, that they are permitted for wise 
and benevolent purposes ; and that these pur- 
poses include a rich reward to the sound mind, 
and the sound principles, on which those trou- 
bles operate as trials. Perfect wisdom and 
perfect goodness, united with infinite power, 
form a perfect title to perfect trust and confi- 
dence. In such confidence it is absolutely 
impossible for us to be mistaken or deceived. 
This is no visionary theory ; it is practical 
prudence and real common sense. 

" ' We cannot too frequently recollect, that, 
if the S^riptu^es are true, (and neither of us 



56 THE OLD STONE BOt SB, OR 

doubt it,) it //?//.v/ also be true, that u whom the 
Lord loveth he chasteneth." Afflicting dis- 
pensations therefore are proofs of his love, and 

not of his displeasure. lie sends them " tor our 
profit, that we might be partakers of his holi- 
ness ;" and although "no chastening for the 
present seems to be joyous, but grievous, nev- 
ertheless, afterward, it yieldeth the peaceable 
fruit of righteousness unto them who are ex- 
ercised thereby." The Divine veracity can 
never be questionable.' 

"Again, in a letter to a friend he said. ' 1 per- 
ceive that we concur in thinking that we 
must go home to be happy, and that our home 
is not in this world. Here we have nothing 
to do but our duty, and by it to regulate our 
business and our pleasures.' 

" These are specimens of his habitual stvle 
of speaking and feeling in regard to religious 
subjects. You may say it was easy enough 
to write so: many men have written piously. 
True, but John Jay never wrote or spoke what 
he did not feel." 

"If Mr. Jay was such a L r <»>d man, and 
Washington thought so much of him, and he 
did so much for the countrv, is it not strange 



THE PATRIOT^ FIRESIDE. 57 

that the people did no e!ect him President 
next after Washington V said Richard. 

" I think it is quite likely he would have 
been chosen President, if it had not been foi 
the treatv he made with England." 

" What ! the one that saved the country 
from a war ?'"' 

" Yes." 

" I thought that was the greatest service he 
ever did the country." 

" So it was, and the act, I think, cost him the 
presidency." 

u I don't see how that could be ?" 

'* The people don't always know who are 
their best friends. There were many peo- 
ple at that time so bent on going to war with 
England, that they were greatly enraged to 
find that a treatv had been made. They 
didn't stop to inquire whether it was a good 
one or not ; they began to attack it and ex- 
cite the people against it, before it was printed. 
The most violent abuse was heaped upon Jay 
for making it, and upon Washington for ap- 
proving it. Jay was burnt in effigy in seve- 
ral places, and the epithet of traitor was free- 
ly bestowed upon him. You have never read 
more v'olen . /language than was employed 



58 THE OLD S TO • E BOP3E OR 

against Jay and Washington for their agencj 
in the matter of the treaty." 

"Wasn't the treat) a good one?* 5 said one. 

The other bo I to think this was 

rather an unnecessary question, .alter what Mr 
Manton had said about its saving the country 
from a bloody and destructive war. Mr. Man- 
ton, however, was not displeased that tht^ 
question was asked. 

" The treaty is now acknowledged to have 
been a good one : every one now admires the 
wisdom that could secure one so good. Long 
before his death, Mr. Jay had the satisfaction 
■of knowing that there was but one opinion 
respecting the value of his services in that im- 
portant matter. What does the fact which \\ e 
have just considered prove, in respect to the 
people ? Some of you may give an answer." 

4i It proves, — at least it seems to me it does, 
that the people maybe mistaken, said Howard." 

u You speak with hesitancy, as if there was 
some doubt about it." 

"It seems to me to be so; but the politi- 
cians and newspapers tell us, that the y 
always know what is best, and that their will 
is always to be obeyed. 

u You must always draw your own conclu- 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 59 

sions from facts. — must not adopt those of 
others when you don't see their truth. You 
must do your own thinking. It is one of the 
birthrights and duties of a republican, that he 
do his own thinking. You may examine the 
views of others ; but your opinion must be 
your own, drawn from facts and evidence as 
they appear to your own mind. What is your 
conclusion from the fact, Richard ?" 

" Some of the people are wrong, but not all 
of them. The majority are right." 

"Mr. Jay lost his popularity with the ma- 
jority of the people by that treaty." 

" Well, sir, the majority are right in the end : 
they are right now." 

" The people, or a majority of them, some- 
times correct their errors and their, prejudi- 
ces, but not always. The fact that they are 
often in error, that they are often swayed by 
prejudice, cannot be denied by any one who 
has had any opportunity for personal observa- 
tion, or who has any acquaintance with his- 
tory. Whenever you hear a man talking 
about the infallibility of the people, that is, de- 
claring that they are always right, and wise, 
and patriotic, set him down at once as a dem- 
agogue, as a deceiver, and liar. He knows 



60 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

better. He is trying to deceive them by the 
very act. The blasphemous expression, ' ike 
voice of the people, is the voice of God* ought 

to be rebuked whenever il is uttered. It is ;> 
maxim of the British government that the king 
can do no wrong. What is the corresponding 
maxim in this country, William?"' 

" The people can do no wrong/' said Wil- 
liam. 

; * Which, is the most absurd of the two ?" 
"I don't know, sir: both of them are 1 
"Undoubtedly. In monarchical countries, 
there is a tendency to ascribe too much wis- 
dom and merit to the king: and in republican 
countries a tendency to ascribe too much wis- 
dom and merit to the people. Sensible men, 
in both countries, should guard against these 
tendencies. The people have a right to he 
wise and virtuous, and are under obligation* 
to be wise and virtuous. We are to labor to 
make them wise and virtuous. Each one must 
make himself wise and virtuous, and labor to 
assist others in becoming go. What are the 
means to be employed to render the people wise 
and good V* 

"Education," said several of the b 

"If all the people are well educated, in the 



THE PATRIOT'S F/RE3IDE. 6i 

common sense of the term, would they all be 
wise and good ? Is every good scholar of ne- 
cessity a good man ?'' 

" No, sir : one may study hard without tak- 
ing any pains to be good." 

" Some of the worst men I have evei known 
were well-educated men, so far as science and 
literature were concerned. The notion is too 
common among our countrymen, that intellec- 
tual cultivation is all that is wanted to make 
men wise and good. Hence a great deal is 
said about schools, and little about churches. 
Now the school- house is very important to the 
welfare of this country, depending, as that 
welfare does, on the character of the people ; 
but the meeting-house is still more important. 
1 Every thing,' said John Jay, speaking of the 
future prospects of this country, — 'every thing 
depends upon churches and school-houses.' 
What do you suppose he meant, Richard ?" 

" I suppose he meant that religion and know- 
ledge would be the salvation of the coun- 
try." 

" Certainly. And which do you think is the 
most important of the two — I mean with ref- 
erence to the prosperity of the nation ?" 
6 



62 THE OLD BTONE BOUSE, OR 

" I don't know, sir ; both are very important, 
I should think." 

"Is it owing to the school-house, or to the 
church, that life and property are so secure in 
this country ?" 

" To the church." 

"I think so. The moral principles, the love 
of right, the love of our neighbor, and a regard 
for God's law, are mainly developed by the 
teachings of the sanctuary. The teachings af 
the school-house, and the church, ought not to 
be so far apart as they too often are. Educa- 
tion, in its most comprehensive sense, includes 
the cultivation of all the powers of the soul. — 
of the conscience, and the will, and the temper, 
and the sympathies, as well as the cultivation 
of the reason and the memory. A good and 
true education will aim at the proper develop- 
ment of' all these powers. Now our mural 
powers and affections are best developed 
through the agency of religious truth, and hence 
religious instruction is just as importanl as 
mathematical or historical instruction. When 
we regard man as a moral as well as a politi- 
cal being ; when we consider that he is not to 
be educated for time only, but for eternity, it 
becomes far mors important. 



THE PATRtOT's FIRESIDE. h$ 

"We have now considered one of the les* 
sons taught by unpopularity, which the cele* 
brated treaty brought upon its author. I 
wish now to commend to your admiration and 
imitation, the noble manner in which he 
breasted the storm. Pie foresaw it all. He 
knew what would be said about him ; for he 
knew the state of the parties in the country, 
and he knew human nature. But it made not 
the slightest difference with him. He went 
straight forwards, doing what he thought was 
his duty, acting fully on the principle that he 
had nothing to do but to do his duty wisely, 
and leave the event with God. It may often 
happen, that you may be placed in circum- 
stances which will make it odious for you to 
stand up for the right. Do it, however, man- 
fully, knowing that the time will come when 
increased respect will follow your firm integrity. 
If Jay had yielded to the popular will at that 
time, he might perhaps have been President, 
but his name woulcFnot have gone down to 
posterity with the honor which is now attached 
to it." 

"Don't you think he was sorry that he 
couldn't be President ?" 

" No, I do not believe he had one feeling of 



64 THE DID STONE BOUSE, OK 

regret about it. There are very few men 
who can resist the temptation of so brilliant a 
prize. Many public men have said that they 
preferred the quiet of a private station, but 
nobody believed them. Such professions de- 
ceive no one. But when Washington sayi 
that he became President with great reluctance, 
and would much rather have remained a private 
citizen, we believe him. And so also when John 
Jay says so. we believe him : — his word was as 
good as Washington's. The following is his 
assertion in regard to his public life. How 
many statesmen could in truth make the same 
affirmation ? ' In the course of my public life 
I have endeavored to be uniform and inde- 
pendent ; having from the beginning of it in 
1774, never asked for an office or a vote, nor 
declined expressing my sentiments upon such 
important public measures as in my opinion 
tended to promote or retard the welfare of our 
country.' " 

" Could anybody get in. ' ^.. now, if they 
pursued such a course ?" said Howard. 

" I can't say, but I can say that such is the 
right, the manly, the noble course. Men who 
will pursue such a course, and leave the result 
with God, we n ust have> or our country can- 



TEE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 65 

not prosper. Suc't men you must be, my 
lads : — what is there to hinder it V 

" Nothing/' said one ; " but we couldn't do 
the country any good, if we were the only 
ones who did so." 

" You don't know what good you would do. 
I am sure you would do a great deal ; but 
that is not the question to ask. The question 
is, whether that is not the course that all re- 
publican citizens ought to pursue ? If you 
answer yes, then you acknowledge that the 
obligation rests on you. Meet it at once ; do 
not say you will think about it, and attend to it 
at some future time/' 

An evening w^as named for a future meet- 
ing, and the young auditors retired. 
8* 



:> 



t>6 THE OLD 81 OH E HOUSE, 01 



CHAPTER VI. 



MILITARY ANI. MORAL COURAGE — THE PATRIOT » R*« 
TIREMENT HIS DEATH. 



Mr 



JJ|HE conversations, or rather the conver* 
sational lectures at the Stone House, 
%j\ were the subject of frequent discussion 
among the boys when they met together in 
the school-house, and at other places. There 
were none who could fail to admire the char- 
acter of the Bible statesman, so far as it had 
been presented to view, or to acknowledge 
that his example was not capable of imitation 
by them all. Still there were some who en- 
tertained a high idea of military talent and 
bravery, and could hardly allow that Jays 
character was worthy of more respect and 
reverence than that of any general except the 
immortal Washington. 

'•I say,'' said Richard. " that I like courage; 
I like the man who has courage, as well as 
other things. Washington had courage, and 



THE PATRIOT^ FIRESIDE. 6^ 

so had Hamilton, and a great many others, 
Mr. Jay was always in safe places, and if he 
had courage, did'nt show it." 

" I am not quite sure that he had quite am- 
bition or pride enough," said William. ""I like 
to see a man insist on his just rights." 

'* Don't let us spend time in talking about 
what we are ignorant. Let us ask Mr. Man- 
ton about Mr. Jay's courage \ he can tell us 
ell about it." 

This proposition was agreed to, and they 
proceeded on an expedition for chestnuts. 

When next they met at Mr. Manton's, the 
question respecting Mr. Jay's courage was 
asked him. 

" I have no doubt " said he, ' : that if duty 
had called Mr. Jay into the field, he would 
have exhibited as much cool daring as any 
man in the whole army. The man who feared 
God as truly as he did, seldom fears man. 
Then he had all the requisites for bravery : 
he had a firmness that nothing could shake, 
Did it require no courage to do what I told 
you he did in relation to the treaty with Great 
Britain, when he knew that a host of enven- 
omed darts would be hurled at him for it? 
Many a man couk have charged to the can- 



68 THE OT.D BTOJfE L3l f S£, OR 

lion's mouth mo than fie could hare 

withstood the odium thai Jay calmly breasted, 
and waited patiently for it to spend its force. 
Moral courage of this kind, is a far brighter 
attribute of character than physical courage. 
In moral coaraga, I know of no one that his- 
tory informs us about, superior to Jay." 

"Would not his character," said Howard, 
"have appeared a little more worthy of admi- 
ration, if he had had a little more ambition— if 
h e had— I don't know hardly how to express 
myself — " 

" If he had assumed more of the port and 
bearing of a great man : — is that what you 
mean ?" 

"Yes, sir, very nearly." 
"It was his modesty, his entire simplicity of 
manner, his entire forgetfulness of the fact that 
he was a great man, that gave a peculiar 
charm to his character. It was said of him, 
that a man might live wjth him tor weeks, and 
never learn from any thing that he said, that 
he had ever been in the public service of his 
country. But if any one supposes that this 
was owing to a want of spirit, he is greatly 
mistaken. While he never thoughl of hiso* a 
dignitv, I mean never put forth any claims to 
5 



THE PATRIOTS FIRsSIDE. 69 

deference ; yet, where his country was con- 
cerned, he showed the most lofty and indepen- 
dent spirit. When he was Minister to the 
court of Spain, on one occasion, the Spanish 
minister wished to enter upon some negotia- 
tions with him. On such occasions it is cus- 
tomary for the ambassadors to exchange copies 
of their powers, or the commissions received 
from their respective Governments. The 
Spanish minister wished to depart from that 
usage ; but Jay thought that the ambassador 
of the United States should be treated, just as 
the ambassadors of other nations were treated, 
and he would not consent to enter upon any 
diplomatic business until there was a formal 
exchange of powers. Dr. Franklin, who w T as 
in Paris at that time, thought that he had bet- 
ter dispense with the form, as it was called, 
and the French minister, Vergennes, gave 
him the same advice. But Jay was firm. He 
knew r that the Minister of the United States 
should be treated as other ministers were 
treated. As a man, he claimed no forms of 
respect ; but as the representative of the Uni- 
ted States, he insisted on receiving all that 
was due." 

" Father, ' said Howard, " didn't Washing- 



70 TUP. OLD STONE BOt'SE, OR 

ton do the same thing — that is, the same in 
principle f" 

" To what, do you allude V 9 

'• Why, you know that during the Revolu- 
tion, the British general sent him a letter ad- 
dressed to George Washington, Esq., and lie 
wouldn't receive it: and then another was 
sent, addressed to George Washington, dec., 
&c., &c, and he wouldn't take that.'' 

"The principle, as you say, is the same. 
Washington thought that the honor of Con- 
gress demanded that he should be add;. 
by the title they had conferred upon him : he 
insisted upon it. and carried his point. The 
same principle was regarded in his interc 
with foreign nations, when he was President. 
He exacted from every nation all the forms of 
respect due to an independent nation. But I 
was going to mention another instance in which 
Jay stood firm for the honor of his country. 
The King of France, you know, assisted us 
greatly during the Revolution, and C< 
their gratitude, directed our ministers in Eu- 
rope to do nothing which w;t> not in accord- 
ance with the advice of the French court. Jay 
thought that these instructions were degrad- 
ing; he though^ it humiliating that the am 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 71 

bassadors of an independent Republic should 
act only at the dictation of the French minister. 
When the English government signified their 
desire to make peace, Mr. Jay. Franklin, and 
Mr. Adams, were the commissioners on the 
part 01 the United States, to make a treaty of 
peace The English commissioner met them 
at Paris, and wished to proceed in forming a 
treaty. Mr. Jay insisted that the English 
government should first acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of America. The English commis- 
sioner contended that the very act of making a 
treaty with the United States was, in fact, an 
acknowledgment of their independence ; and 
further, that there should be an article in the 
treaty expressly acknowledging our indepen- 
dence. Mr. Jay insisted that our indepen- 
dence should be first acknowledged, that the 
treaty might then proceed, as between two 
sovereign independent nations. Dr. Franklin 
differed from Mr. Jay, and was disposed to 
be content w r ith the implied acknowledgment. 
The French minister, Vergennes, advised Mr. 
Jay to yield. But Jay thought the honor of 
his country was concerned, and would not 
yield, though he. was instructed by Congress 
to follow the advice of the French minister. 



72 THE OLD STONE HOI SK. OH 

He firmly refused to treat, till our indepen- 
dence was acknowledged. The Englishcom- 
missionerwas obliged to send to England, and 
inform his Government of the state of the i 
They gave him power to acknowledge the 
independence of the United States, and thus 
the firmness of Jay triumphed. The Euro- 
pean diplomatists found that the young repub- 
lic had one man, at least, whose sagacity they 
could not deceive, whose firmness they could 
not shako.'' 

"How old was Mr. Jay when he retired 

from public life ?" 

* He was fifty-six years old. He retired 

to his farm in Bedford. Westchester county, 
where he spent nearly thirty years in the 
most peaceful and dignified retirement. A 
more beautiful example of a great man living 
in true republican simplicity never was seen. 
He, who had been President of Cong 
Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Governor of his 
native State, the Representative of his coun- 
try, at several of the first courts of Europe, 
and Chief Justice of the United States, lived 
on his farm, maintained habits of the utmost 
simplicity, and spent his time in doing 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 73 

until he fell asleep in Jesus, in the year 1829, 
in the eighty-fourth year of his age. 

" The year before he retired, he was offered 
again the Chief Justiceship of the United 
States. You will be willing to hear the fol- 
lowing letter written to him by John Adams, 
at that time President of the United States. 

* Dear Sir. 

Mr. Ellsworth has resigned his office of 
Chief Justice, and I have recommended you 
to your old station. This is as independent 
of the inconstancy of the people, as it is of 
the will of a President. In the future admin- 
istration of our country, the firmest security 
we can have against effects of \ T isionary 
schemes, or fluctuating theories, will be in a 
§o!id Judiciary ; and nothing will cheer the 
hopes of good men's minds, as your acceptance 
of this appointment. You have now a great 
opportunity to render a most signal service to 
your country. I therefore pray you to con- 
sider of it seriously, and accept it I had no 
permission from you to take this step, but it 
appeared to me that Providence had thrown in 
my way an opportunity, not only of marking 
to the public the spot where, in my opinion, 
7 



74 TUP. OLD USE, Ott 

the greatest mass of worth remained collected 
in one individual, but of furnishing n ycoi 
with the besl security its Inhabitants afforded 
against the increasing diss of moral* 

• With unabated friendship, and the 
esteem and res} 

*I am, dear sir. yours, 

4 John Ai 

'P. S. Your commission wi Slow 

this letter.' 

"You see President Adams thought of Mr. 
Jay just as President Washington did. Was 

t not some reward that such men should thus 
esteem him ? 

" On another occasion President Adams s 
l I often say, that when my confidence in Mr. 
Jay shall cease, I shall give up the 
confidence, and renounce it with all men.' 
To have the confidence reposed in him by 
the greatest and best of men thus expn 
was it not better than to be called brave, 
hailed as the hero <•: -field ? 

Mr. Jay had made up his mind, that i 
right for him t<> retire from public life, and 
hence deed ned the office* He died. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 75 

said, in the year 1829, and history has handed 
down to posterity his name, as pure a patriot 
as ever lived. 

"It is a matter of great thankfulness, that 
the two highest offices in our Government 
should be held in the beginning by such men 
as George Washington and John Jay, — the 
first President and the first Chief Justice of 
these United States, America has produced 
many able, many patriotic men, but there are 
no names that shine with a lustre equal to 
those of Washington and Jay. I hope you 
will study the lives of both these men. Every 
young American should know their history 
by heart. 



70 THF, 01. J) BTONE HOUSE. 



CHAPTER VII. 

A X>HVERSATTOH AT THF. BLA( CSMITH'9 SHOT. 

66 ~WJ^I^^ J y oa P ut :l ' KU1; ' on tn * a wheel tor 

i?f#*| me ?" said Mr. Holden, as he en- 
iUi tered Mr. Potter's shop one morning. 

•• 5fes sir." said Mr. Potter; ''thai is 
the very thing I will do, and that in a hi 

He put on his leathern apron, and be 
to blow up the fire on the forge ; when John 
Tilson, the son of a rich man who had re- 
cently moved into the village, rode U] 
horseback, and said, " Mr. T I you 

must put a shoe on this horse immediately." 

" I will do it," said the blacksmith, ' 
soon as I have done a job that Mr. Holden 
is waiting for. ' First com?, first serve/ you 
know." 

"He can wait/' said John. "Father i 
you mist do it immediately, — and you m 

Mr. Potter looked i the lad for a few 



THE PATE. JT'S FIRESIDE. 71 

seconds, and then went to maki lg a band foi 
Mr. Holden's wheel. 

" Do you not mean to shoe hiin ?" said 
John, in an angry tone of voice. 

" Yes ; 1 will do your work when your 
turn comes : if you don't see fit to wait, you 
must go elsewhere." 

• 4 1 shall tell father," said John : and he 
rode away. 

" You will have the old man down upon 
you,'" said Holden. 

" It may be : he is not the most reasonable 
man that I have met with in this country. 
He would get along better in the old coun- 
try, provided he were one of the great folks." 

" He thinks he is one of them, and that is 
the great trouble with him. He does not be- 
lieve that all men are born free and equal." 

" Neither do I." 

" You don't !" 

" No : I do not believe that all men are 
born equal, or that Providence designs that 
all should be equal." 

' u Well, I declare, you must retain some of 
your old monarchy notions. From a con- 
versation I had with you last fall, when you 
advised with me about sending your boys to 
7* 



78 tuk old stone bouse, or 

school, I concluded thai you were a thorough. 
going republican." 

"So I am. I was a republican at heart 
when I was under the king ." 

At this moment Mr. Tilson entered the 
shop. He had evidently been walking very 
fast, for his face was red, and his breathing 
hurried. Before Mr. "otter could bid him 
good-morning, he asked, " What is the ri- 
my h^rse cannot be shod, as I directed V 

" I was busy on this wheel when your 
son came. I told him I would do it as 
as I had finished this job. There." said he, 
as he drove the last nail. — "now, it' 
horse were here, I could put on a shoe in 
short order." 

"I wanted it done then." said Mr. Tilson, 
with great emphasis. 

•' I could not do it then, but I can do it 
now/ 

"I am not sure that I shall have it done 
now." 

"lam sure you will not have it done 
me. You don't seem to know what sort of a 
country you live in. You need not -and here 
to have any more work done until you are will- 
ing to take you] turn with your neighbor" 



the patriot's ftrestde. . 7$ 

■' I shall not patronize such a man," said 
Mr. Tilson, as he turned, and left the shop. 

"Served him right, 5 ' said Mr. Holden ; "1 
wish every one would stand up to him in the 
same way, and it would cause him to lower 
his sails. I see that you act on the principle, 
that all men are equal, if you do not be- 
lieve it." 

'I do not believe that Tilson is equal to 
you, or to that neighbor." pointing to Mr. 
Manton, who was seen approaching. 

" I agree to your last remark : Manton is 
a true man, every inch of him." 

" Good-morning," said Mr. Manton ; " are 
you busy now ?" 

" I have just finished this wheel for friend 
Holden, and am ready to do any thing for you." 

"I only want a link put in this piece of 
chain." 

The iron out of which the link was to be 
made, was placed in the fire, and the left 
hand of the blacksmith applied to the lever 
that moved the bellows. 

" Potter is no republican., after all," said 
Holden. " He does not believe that all men 
are born free and equal." 

" I believe ' said Potter. " that all men 



80 *HE ULD ITOM2 HO BE, or 

ought to be born free ; bul 1 don't believe thai 
all men oughl to be equal ; that is, in a sense 
in which some seem to understand equality." 

"The prejudices of early life hold on to a 
man for a long time." said Mr. Holden. 

"Perhaps," said Mr. Manton, "you do ool 
understand just what Mr. Potter does believe. 
One reason why men appear to <i Be 
much in their opinions is, that they do not 
understand one anoth r." 

•'I will try to tell you what I do beli 
I do not believe that all men are equal in 
talent or in possessions : I do not believe 
that Providence designed that all men should 
be equal in these respects." 

"Do you not believe that one man is as 
good as another ."' said Mr. Holden. 

" That depends on the manner in which he 
behaves himself : as I said jusl now, I do not 
believe that Tilson is as good as you are, be- 
cause he does not behave as neighborly.* 

"Don't you bslieve that all men have the 
same rights, whether they are rich or poor ?' 

"They have the same rights in regard to 
some things. They have the same right to 
breathe; the same right to the proceeds of 
their own labor ; the same right to seek the 



THE TATRiGT's FIRESIDE. 81 

promotion of their own happiness. The mis- 
take that some make is this ; they seem to 
think that all men are, or ought to be, equal 
in condition. Now, I do not believe any such 
thing. It isn t possible that there should be 
an equality of condition among men. There 
is no reason in claiming that as a right which 
cannot possibly happen." 

" That may be ; yet, in a republican coun- 
try, one man is as good as another. The 
great benefit of a republican country is, that 
you need not have any one to look down 
upon you." 

" There are some men in this republican 
country that have a right to look clown upon 
me ; or rather, there are some men whom I 
feel bound to look up to. The great glory 
of a republican country seems to me to be 
this : that it removes the obstacles in the 
way of a man's reaching such a station as he 
may secure a right to. I have thought a 
great deal of these matters since I have been 
in this country, and it has appeared to me 
that some of the people carry their ideas of 
equality too far. Mr. Manton, what do you 
think the equaV'ty of true republicanism con 
sist.s in V 



52 i ■'■ liocst 

«I, ic all men's having an equal 

righl to the governm n; of law*' 

.. You mean," sai I Mr. Holden, "that all 
men have an equal right to make the laws. 

"No j I mean that all men have an equal 
right to the protection of law. That, 
understand it, is the true political equality <>i 
republicanism." 

" That is my idea exactly : that is. I believe 
that, though I never had it before my mind 
in just that shape before," said Mr. Potter. 

" But, do you not believe/' said Holden, 
addressing Mr. Manton, "that all men have 
an equal right to make the laws I 
"No, sir." 
"Why not?" 

"Because all men are not equally qualified 
to make laws. A man has no right I 
what he is not qualified to do. A man who 
is ignorant of medicine has no right to pre- 
scribe for the sick. A man who h 
knowledge of a steam-engine, has no righl tc 
attempt to navigate a steamboat. A man 
whu is ignorant of the objects and effects of 
laws has no right to make them.' 1 

" There arc a great many. then, who in 
youi judgment iave no right to take pari U) 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 83 

making the laws : they cannot then be under 
obligation to obey the laws that are made." 

" Why not r ' 

"Because all laws owe their authority to 
the consent of the governed.'' 

" Do you find that written in the Bible ?" 

" No, sir ; but there is something like it in 
the Declaration of Independence." 

*' That is true, but the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was not given by inspiration of 
God. Take the Law of G }d ; does it depend 
upon the consent of any man whether he is 
under obligation to obey it or not ?" 

"No; but that is a different thing from 
human laws." 

" Are not children bound to obey the laws 
of the land before their consent is asked or 
given ?" 

" Yes ; but their parents gave their con- 
sent for them." 

" Still that is not the consent of the gov- 
erned. The truth is, man was made to obey 
law, just as water was made to obey the law 
of gravitation. When a man shall obey the 
just laws of the land, it does not depend upon 
his consent at all. All men find themselves 
subject to laws which they never had anv 



84 THE OLD oR 

hand in making. They may just as well 
complain of being born without their own 
consent, as to complain o wbjects to 

law without their consent. But we have all 
too much to do to stand here all day. We 
have got upon a subject that I am to talk to 
the boys about to-morrow evening, and per- 
haps you would like to come over to heai 
what we have to say. I shall be glad to see 
you both, and the boys won't object to your 
being there." 

"I will be there/' said Mr. Holden. "1 
have heard a great deal about those meet- 
ings. I think they have done the boys a 
great deal of good." 

"I shall be glad to come," said Potter, " it 
1 shall not disturb you, though 1 always hear 
pretty much all that is said there. My boy 
never fails to be there, and he haa a wonder- 
ful memory, and tells me all that was said." 

Mr. Manton's chain being now mended, he 
set out ibr home. Holde l b" 

moments; but as Potter showed by the 
oestness of his blows upon the anvil, that he 
had no more time to lose thai morning 
shouldered his wheel and went to his shop. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 85 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE MACHINE RY OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT 
NOT DEVISED BY MAN. 

fJStHE boys were at the Stone House at 
W the appointed time. Soon Mr. Holden 
$4 and Mr. Potter came in, saying to the 
boys that they had come to join them. The 
looks of one or two expressed some disappro- 
bation ; and one whispered to his neighbor, 
that they were "rather old boys." Mr. Man- 
ton conversed with them for a few moments, 
and then turned to the boys : — " William," 
said he, " how did it come to pass that men 
came to live together in society ? Why does 
not each one live by himself, as the wild 
beasts do ?" 

" Because they are not wild beasts," said 
William. 

" i oa have given a pretty good answer ; 
still it does not bring out the points that I 
wish to place before your minds. I will ask 



86 TIIH OLD ST< SE HOUSE, OR 

all of you the question. How did men come 
to live together in a social state, and have 

a government and laws ? 

"Because," said William, " they found that 
they could not get along very well without 
society and government." 

" You suppose, then, that men met together 
in early times, and agreed to live together in 
a social state, and have government and law." 
•• Yes, sir." 

" That is what is called the social compact ; 
is it not V said Howard. 

" Yes ; but no such compact was « 
made. We have no proof that any such 
compact was made; and we know that, from 
the nature of the case, no such event could 
have taken place." 

' ; I do not see, then," said Thomas Ilawkes, 
"how men ever came to get together/' 

"They came together because they were 
men, and not wild beasts, as William said. 
Man is so formed that society is necessary t<> 
his existence as man ; that is, no our can be 
a complete man unless he lives in a sin 
society. A bear may be a. complete bear, 
though he lives by himself in his cave all his 
days; but a man cannot be a complete man 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 87 

unless he enjoy the society of his fellow-men 
Society is natural to man. It is his natural 
state ; a state into which, as I have already 
said, he is born, and to the regulations of 
which he is subject, whether he gives his 
consent or not." 

"Has not a man a right to live in solitude 
if he chooses to do so ?" said William. 

" There may be circumstances which may 
justify a temporary retirement from the world ; 
but I suppose you mean to ask whether each 
and every one may not live in solitude ?" 

" Yes, sir." 

" Which is the same, you see, as asking 
whether human society does not depend upon 
the voluntary consent of those who constitute 
it. To set this matter in a clearer light, I 
will ask you some questions : — Did you ever 
see a hermit ?" 

" Yes, sir : when I w 7 as on a visit to my 
grandfather, last fall, I went to visit one who 
lived in a cave about two miles from the vil- 
lage.'*' 

" What sort of a creature was he ?" 

' ; He did not look much like a man. He 
was almost as black as a negro : he was 
cohered with rags, and could not speak so that 



88 THE OTJ) BTONE HOUSE, OR 

I could understand him. He looked like a 
wild man.'" 

"If all men lived in solitude as he did, 
would their condition be any better than his?" 

"I do not know, sir. I do not think it 
would be much better.'' 

" Would it be right for all men to live as he 
did, and to reduce themselves to his condi- 
tion r 

" I do not think it would." 

"Certainly it would not. Men have no 
right to reduce themselves to the level of the 
brutes. They are under obligation to be men. 
They are under obligation to pursue such a 
course as shall promote the highest perfection 
of their nature. A social state is a necessary 
condition to this ; and hence, men are under 
obligation to live in a social state.*' 

"I now understand what Mr. Simpson 
meant when he said 'society is of divine ori- 
gin,' " said Howard. 

"I presume he meant to say that civil soci- 
ety results from the constitution of man's na- 
ture, and is therefore the work of God : JUSl 
as the tree, the growth of which is the result 
of the laws of nature, is the work of God." 
11 Yes, sir ; he used that very illustration v 



■THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE 89 

"Can you now answer this question, Wil- 
liam : — Suppose all the men in a country should 
meet together and vote to dissolve society and 
government : suppose they were to resolve 
unanimously, that each one should live by 
himself. — would such a course be right ?" 

" No, sir." 

" Why not V' 

" Because they would not make that prog- 
ress in improvement in knowledge and virtue 
which they are born to make. 5 ' 

" Very well : but how do you know that 
men are born to make progress in knowledge 
and virtue ?" 

" I do not know as I can give the reason ; 
but it seems to me that they are." 

" No doubt they are thus bound. It is a 
self-evident truth, that man is under obliga- 
tion to do right ;— to strive to reach the high- 
est perfection of which he is capable, does 
not need proof." 

" If men are bound to have society and 
government," said Howard, " may they not 
adopt any form of government which they 
please ?" 

" The people may determine the form of 
government, but they are under obligation to 



90 Tin: OLD BTONE If "i SB, OR 

adopt the best form ; that is, the form best 
adapted to secure the ends of government. 
Suppose you are under obligation to relieve a 
particular case of distress, may you use just 
such means as you choo 

" I ought to use such means as are the best 
adapted to the end." 

" Just so in the matter of government ; men 
ought to choose the form the best adapted to 
meet the end to be secured. This will differ 
in different circumstances. Thus men may 
be under obligation to adopt one form of gov- 
ernment in one country, and another in an- 
other. Is government of human or divine 
origin ? — Thomas, what do you say '" 

- v It is of divine origin." - 

" Yes ; government is an institution of God, 
with which men are not at liberty to dispense. 
As it is an institution of God, it ought to be 
conducted according to his will, and must be 
if it would long prosper. When the acts of 
nment set at nought the law of God. the 
nation that permits such acts will soon 
later be punished. The justice of God, as 
revealed by nature and revelation, autho 
this assertion : tha pmishment of nation 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 91 

ways takes place in this world. Can you give 
the reason, any of you ? 

" Because nations have no existence in the 
next world." 

" Very well ; I think I have now shown 
you that the great machinery of human soci- 
ety and government is no device of man. 
Gocl is the maker, therefore. Man can mar, 
but cannot destroy it. God's law applies to 
the institutions which he has framed for man, 
as well as to man himself. The affairs of 
government are therefore to be conducted on 
religious principles, as much as the ordinary 
affairs of life are." 

; ' You would not have church and state 
united V said Mr. Potter, who had listened 
with great interest to what had been said. 

" By no means. The church and the state 
are two very different institutions. God never 
intended that they should be united. Their 
union has ever been a curse to both, though 
in truth, the church and the state have sel- 
dom, if ever, been united. The real church 
consists of those in every communion who 
love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity. In 
this sense, church and state have never been 
united The union has been Ka tween the 



92 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

government and some institution calling itself 
the church, but which, in reality, has had very 
little connection with the true church." 

" I am afraid," said Mr. Holden, " that your 
principles would mix up religion with politics 
a little too much." 

ki No fear of that : all that my principles 
would lead to is, that we do right in things 
relating to politics, as well as in every thing 
else." 

" Nobody can object to that," said Potter. 
" I hope these boys will practise what they 
learn here, and they will be real patriots." 

After a little further conversation on gen- 
eral topics, the party broke up. The boys re- 
turned home, feeling that they had received 
instruction in important truths, though they 
had not been amused with interesting facts. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 93 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE HAY SCALES — THE ELECTION — THE SHIP OF STATE. 

SJjpgHE instructions received at the old Stone 
'yjk * House (some of which we have recorded 
*!4 for the benefit of our readers,) were not 
without their practical influence on those who 
listened to them. It appeared in the public 
spirit manifested on many occasions. A sin- 
gle instance will furnish an illustration. 

One night, — and it was a dark and tem- 
pestuous night, — William Palmer and another 
boy were coming home from a visit to a house 
that stood a little distance from the village. 
As they passed the hay-scales, which were 
the property of the village, they saw that the 
door of the building connected therewith was 
open. 

" Stop... a' moment," said William; "let us 
fasten that door." 

" Whpt for ?" said his companion, who was 



94 THE OLD STtNE HOUSE, OR 

not one of Mr. Manton's pupils : "4t don't 
belong to you." 

'' It belongs to the public." 

" Well, then, let the public take care of it." 

" It belongs to every patriot to take care of 
public property." 

" I am not a patriot, — I'm only a boy." 

" I am a patriot, or I mean to be when I 
get to be a man ; and so I must begin now. 
Just help me shut the door, and hold it while 
I find something to set against it to keep it 
shut. It will be torn off the hinges if it is left 
swinging in this wind." 

" What if the hinges are torn off? it will 
not be any thing out of your pocket, or your 
father's." 

" That is nothing to the point. Just give 
me a lift for a moment, won't you ?" 

" No." 

"Then go home by yourself; and I wil. 
see that I am not caught in company with 
such a fellow again." 

The boy went on his way, and left William 
to do his work alone. The door was very 
heavy, and the wind was very high. It was 
with great difficulty that he got it in place, 
and confined it there. The rain fell in tor 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 95 

rents before he reached home. He imme- 
diately retired to bed without saying any thing 
about the cause of his detention. This was 
well. He had done a good deed, and was 
content with having done it. He did not 
claim praise for it. He had no intention of 
saying any thing about it, unless it should be- 
come necessary. In this he should be imi- 
tated. Many destroy, in a great measure, the 
good effect of their good deeds, by making 
mention of them, and thereby claiming com- 
mendation, — I mean the good effect upon their 
own characters. That is greatest when the 
act is performed without any reference what- 
ever to a personal motive, and when it is 
known only to the performer. 

There was one thing in the matter above 
related, in which William is not to be imi- 
tated : it was the angry tone in which he 
bade his companion go home. You may say, 
he could not help being vexed with the selfish 
fellow : still I say, he could have avoided giv- 
ing any expression to his feelings, and that 
would have aided him in gaining the control 
over them. 

The next morning, as William came down 
from his chamber, he saw. the barn of the next- 



06 THE OLD STONE HOUSE. OR 

door neighbor without a roof. The wind hud 
taken it off, and carried it some distance. 
"Father," said William, "was not Mr. Run- 
van's roof fastened on as strongly as ours ?" 

"Yes; I suppose it was.'" 

" How did it come to blow off then ?" 

" The door was left open, and the wind thu? 
rushing in lifted the roof. If they had been 
careful to shut the doors, no damage would 
have been done." 

" I should not wonder," said Mr. Runyan\ 
hired man, " if the hay-scales were blown over. 
The door was slamming, as I passed last 
night." 

" Why did you not stop and shut it ?" said 
Mr. Runyan. 

" The rain was coming on, and I thought I 
had better get under shelter. The hay-scales 
don't belong to me." 

" They belong to the town," said William. 

" Let the town take care of them, then." 

" The town didn't know that the door was 
open." 

" Can't help it," said the hired man, going 
to his work. 

William did not get angry with the poor 
fellow. He called to mind the fact, that he 



THE PATRIOT'd FIRESIDE. 9*» 

had received but few advantages from educa- 
tion, and hence was not so much to blame. 
He felt thankful that he himself haa been sub- 
ject to better influences. 

When it was found that the public property 
had been saved by the care of some one un- 
known, considerable inquiry was made, but 
William said nothing about it. If he had 
been asked if he knew who secured the door, 
and thus saved the building, he would not 
have refused to answer ; but as he was not 
asked, he felt at liberty to preserve silence. 
A boy has made great progress in self-culture. 
when he is willing to do a noble act, and have 
it entirely unknown. 

Another instance of the public spirit in- 
fused into the boys, by conversations respect- 
ing our patriotic fathers, appeared in the care 
taken of the village green. They went fre- 
quently in a body, and gathered up and car- 
ried away every stick and stone, and unsightly 
object, and every noxious weed. Thus, the 
village wore an air of neatness, which con- 
tributed not a little to its beauty. 

One Saturday afternoon, it was proposed to 
elect a president and other officers of state. 
The proposition came from one of Mr. Man- 
9 



98 THE OLD BTONE HOUSE, OR 

ton's pupils ; but as there was something new 
in it, all the boys of the school were ready to 
carry it into execution. Some of the mem- 
bers of the ether schools, and some who did 
not attend school at all, were at the place of 
election, ready to exercise their rights. Sev- 
eral nominations for president were made, and 
then the ballot-box was prepared. The ques- 
tion, " who are entitled to vote ?" then arose. 
There was a diversity of opinion. There 
were some pretty violent advocates of univer- 
sal suffrage. There were others who thought 
there should be some restrictions. The dis- 
pute became so warm, that Howard Manton 
proposed that the election should be adjourned 
till the next Saturday. This was agreed to; 
for each party hoped by so doing to gain an 
accession of strength. 

After most of the boys had gone home, 
those who were accustomed to visit the Stone 
House, agreed to go there on Monday even- 
ing, and lay the matter before their political 
instructor. 

They were there at the appointed time, and 
were cordially received. " Well," said Mr. 
Manton, " I am told you wish to ask me an 
important question." 



THE PATL. 3T'S FIRESIDE-. 99 

* Yes, sir, we do," said Thomas Hawkes. 

" And that question is, whether every one 
has a right to vote or not ? n 

" That is not exactly the question," said 
William^ "we wished to know if we ought 
to let the members of other schools, and those 
who do not belong to any school, vote for 
president with us," 

" That is a matter for you to agree upon 
among yourselves. It does not involve, as 
far as I see, any important principle. If they 
wish to act with you, and will behave well, it 
will promote harmony and good- feeling by al- 
lowing them to do so. You should not repel 
from your society any who will behave well 
while with you, 

(i The question, whether every citizen has a 
right to vote in the choice of rulers, is a ques- 
tion of great importance, and is well worthy 
of your consideration. What do you think 
about it, Thomas? Have all men an equal 
right to vote ?" 

" Yes, sir. 15 ' 

" What reason can you give ?" 

" Because all men are born free and equal. 
If all men are equal, all men have an equal 
right to vote." 



100 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

"If all men are equal, then all men have 
; n equal right to property :— Why should not 
all property be equally divided T 

" All men have an equal right to get prop- 
erty." 

" You mean an equal right to get property, 
if they can, by honest labor ?" 
" Yes, sir." 

" Very well. As no man hag a right to 
property until he has earned it, and acquired 
a claim to it in some lawful way ; so, no one 
has a right to vote until he is qualified to vote. 
It is no^ a self-evident truth, that every man 
has an equal right to vote for those who are 
to make and execute the laws. Rulers are 
appointed for a particular purpose : viz., to 
secure the ends for which civil society exists, 
—to guide the ship of state. Such men ought 
to be chosen as are qualified to perform the 
acts for which they are chosen: and such 
persons ought to choose them, as are qualified 
to judge of' their qualifications. Suppose you 
are at° sea. There are several hundred per- 
sons on board. The captain and mate are 
lost, and there is no one to command the ves- 
sel. A commander is absolutely necessary to 
save hei md all the lives on board. No on 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 101 

but one who is skilled in the service and art 
of navigation can save her. Suppose three- 
fourths of those on board know nothing about 
navigation. — are entirely unable to judge 
whether the person who wishes to be chosen 
captain is possessed of the requisite qualifica- 
tions or not. Suppose the remaining one- 
fourth are able to judge, — suppose they know 
what are the qualifications, and who possess 
them : now I ask, who ought to choose the 
captain ? Who would have a right to vote, 
in the case supposed ?" 

" Those who were capable of judging re- 
specting the qualifications of the candidate/' 
said Thomas. 

" Certainly. If the choice were left to the 
ignorant, they might choose one who would 
cause the loss of the ship and all on board. 
Now, who have a right to vote for the cap- 
tain of the ship of state ?" 

" Those who possess the knowledge neces- 
sary to judge of his qualifications," said Will- 
iam. 

" I would rather say, those who are quali- 
fied to do so. I do not think that knowledge 
is the sole qualification. The doctrine I wxmld 
lay down is, that all have a right to vote who 
9* 



102 THE OLD STONE JO USE, OR 

are qualified to vote ; and ail have a right to 
become qualified to vote. That I understand 
to be the true doctrine of universal suffrage." 

" A stranger has inquired for you," said 
Mrs. Manton, coming into the room. 

" It is Judge Brown, I presume. He wrote 
me he should be here about this time. So, my 
young friends. I must bid you good-evening." 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 103 



CHAPTER X. 

THE P7.0PER MODE OF CELEBRATING INDEPENDENCE 
DAT. 

66 'SHALL we have a holiday, on the 
$%k Fourth of July ?" said one of the 
Hal boys, to the teacher of the school 
which Mr. Manton's boys attended. 

" Yes, I shall give you a holiday then," said 
the teacher, "but you must study well until 
that day comes." 

The announcement of the fact, that there 
was to be no school on the Fourth, had rather 
a tendency to hinder study. Thoughts of 
what should be done on that day, filled the 
minds of many, when the book before them 
should have received their whole attention. 

When the school was dismissed, the boys 
gathered under the shade of a chestnut tree, 
that overhung the school-house, and discussed 
at length the question, " How shall we keep 
Independence ?" 



104 THE OLD -TONE HOUSE, OR 

* : Let us all join together and buy e^erso 
much powder, and get a cannon somewhere, 
and fire it all day," said one. 

This seemed to meet the approbation of 
many, but two objections were made. First, 
the difficulty of getting "ever so much pow- 
der," and secondly, the difficulty of getting a 
cannon. Muskets were not uncommon in the 
place ; but a cannon, large or small, had never 
been_ seen there. After many propositions 
had been made, and none of them approved, 
the boys separated, after having agreed to 
consult their parents, and come together again 
the next day. 

"Father," said Howard Man ton, to his 
father, as soon as he reached home, " what is 
the best way for us to keep Independence?" 

" The day ought to kept with thanksgiving 
and praise," said Mr. Manton. 

"Do you think there is any thanksgiving 
in firing guns and making a noise." 

" None at all." 

" What then do the people fire guns and 
shout so loud, on the Fourth, for ?" 

" It is impossible to give a rational reason 
for their conduct. No day was ever more 
perverted than is the anniversary rf our in- 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 105 

dependence. Instead of one universal burst 
of thanksgiving and praise, rising from the 
heart of a grateful people, the wild noise of 
riot and revelry, and drunkenness and mad 
excitement, is heard throughout the land. 
Nothing can be more displeasing to the Great 
Governor of the nations, who gave us our in- 
dependence. Suppose a man had been a 
great benefactor to several of his fellow-men ; 
suppose he had given each one a farm, and a 
great many other things. They ought to feel 
very thankful ; and it would be very proper 
for them, on the anniversary of the day on 
which he gave them a deed of their farms, to 
go to him, and express their gratitude. Sup- 
pose, instead of so doing, they should meet 
together on that day, and indulge their in- 
clinations in a way known to be very dis- 
pleasing to him ; suppose they should throw 
down his fences, stone his fruit-trees, and 
abuse his good name. You would think i' 
strange ; but they would not treat their bene 
factor any worse, than many of the people in. 
this land treat their Benefactor. On the an- 
niversary of that day on which they received 
from him the deed of their political freedom, 
they meet together, and spend the day in 



106 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

drinking and swearing, and in practising 
other forms of vice, thus displeasing their 
Benefactor, and injuring his cause." 

" It never struck me in that, light before. 
I shall not give any thing to buj r powder with." 

"Burning powder is not an act in itself 
wrong; but no possible good, and much evil, 
may come from it, and hence it should not be 
practised. It is proper to rejoice on the an- 
niversary of our nation's freedom. Gratitude 
is a joyous feeding." 

" Ought not there to be religious services 
on that day P' 

"Certainly. Our minister intends to make 
the experiment of a religious celebration. I 
hope, therefore, the boys will all be found in 
their places, in the house of God. You may 
invite them to come, after the religious ser- 
vices, and dine with us. After dinner, I will 
show them some letters, written by Washing- 
ton, and other great men of the Revolution." 

" Where did you get them, sir 

" I have just received them from a friend 
in New York, in exchange for some relics of 
olden time in my possession. have 

examined the letters, and talked about their 
authors, we will take a sail on the pond. 1 



the patriot's fireside. 107 

have caused the boats to be repaired with this 
view." 

The next day, Howard communicated to 
the boys his father's proposal. It was re- 
ceived with acclamations. 

The long expected day at length came. A 
few solitary muskets were exploded in the 
vicinity of the village, but the village itself 
was as quiet as on the Sabbath. At the usual 
hour for divine service, the church bell rang, 
and nearly all the people assembled, and joined 
in the services conducted by their excellent 
pastor. The boys then repaired to the Stone 
House, and spent the remainder of the day, in 
the manner proposed by its patriotic proprie- 
tor. Some time after sunset, they reached 
their homes, feeling that they had spent the 
day far more pleasantly and profitably, than 
they would have done, had they spent it in 
burning gunpowder, shouting, drinking, and 
fighting, as too many, who ought to know 
better, do. All agreed, that it was the best 
Independence Day th§y had ever had. When 
shall this nation rightly celebrate the anniver- 
sary of the birth-clay of its freedom ? 



J 08 THE OLD STONE HOI7SK. OR 



CHAPTER XI. 

ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

C€ ^Jf Oil were earnestly engaged in some 
$£ discussion or dispute in front of the 
41 school-house, as I passed,'" said Mi. 
Manton to his son, as he came from school. 

"Yes, sir," replied Howard, "we were dis- 
puting about our government. Some said it 
was the best government in the world, and 
Hugh Potter said it was not as good as the 
English government." 

* What had you to say about it V 
" I said, I thought our government was the 
best for us. I said, I did not think it was per- 
fect ; but that it was the best government in 
the world for us. Do you not think so, Fa- 

ther ?" 

" Yes : but I rather think that in your dis- 
pute you were like many older persons ; that 
is to say, you were disputing about that respec- 
ting which you tad very little knowledge." 



THE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. 109 

"I know that, sir, and some of the bovs 
said they would ask you about it; and they 
are coming here this evening for that pur- 
pose. Thomas said we must know more 
about government, before we dispute about 
it" 

li That was a very sensible remark. If 
people never disputed except upon subjects 
with which they were acquainted, there would 
be far less disputation in the world. Truly 
great men are seldom fond of disputation." 

In the evening the youthful circle assem- 
bled, and Mr. Manton was informed that they 
wished him to tell them something about the 
government of these United States. 

" I suppose," said Mr. Manton, " that you 
all know when the Federal government was 
formed ?" 

The boys kept silence. Some of them 
looked as though they did not know the date 
alluded to by Mr. Manton. At length, 
Thomas Hawkes said, " I, for one, do not 
know." 

" When was our present government form 
ed ?" said Mr. Manton. " Let any one an 
swer who knows." 

10 
% 



110 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

"It was formed on the Fourth of July 
1776," said one. 

"The Declaration of Independence was 
then made ; but that is a very d 'liferent thing 
from forming a government. We live under 
the Federal constitution, and I asked when 
that constitution was made." 

" It was made in the year 1787," said 
Richard. 

" True ; and that was eleven years after the 
Declaration of Independence." 

"Had we no government during those 
eleven years ?" said William. 

"Yes: before the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, we had a Continental Congress, which 
assumed such powers of government as were 
necessary to carry on the war: and in the 
year 1781, Articles of Confederation were 
entered into by all the states, and the govern- 
ment thus formed,, continued until the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution." 

" Then we have had two constitutions," 
said Howard ; "I did not know that." 

"The Articles of Confederation were not 
called a constitution, though they were, in 
fact, the constitution of the government that 
existed previously to the present one." 



TBE PATRIOTS FIRESIDE. Ill 

" Was that government very different from 
our present government?" said Richard. 

"' Yes, it was different in many respects, 
and very defective : otherwise, the wise men 
of our country would not have taken the 
trouble to form a new one." 

" Did there not use to be a President un- 
der that government?" 

" There was a President of Congress, but 
not a President of the United States. The 
Congress of the Confederation consisted of 
only one House, and the President was the 
presiding officer. The office was not more 
important than that of Speaker of the House 
of Representatives." 

" Why is Congress divided into two houses 
now ?" said Howard. " It seems to me that 
the old way was the best. I should think 
business would be done much faster, when it 
has to go through one house instead of two 
Now it sometimes happens that when a bill 
has passed the House of Representatives, it is 
a long time before it gets through the Senate." 

" And sometimes it does not get tnrough at 
all," said Mr. Manton. 

"Yes, sir" 



112 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

" And so you think laws would be made 
faster if they had to pass only one house ?" 

" Yes. sir ; do you not think they would ?" 

"Certainly; but it is desirable that laws 
should be made well; it is more important 
that they should be made well than that they 
should be made quickly. A single man couk* 
make laws faster than any assembly of men; 
but you would hardly be willing, on that ac- 
count, to commit the making of the laws to 
one man, would you ?" 

" Oh no, sir." 

" The object of having the Legislature di- 
vided into two houses, is to prevent hasty and 
unwise legislation. As whatever originates in 
one house must be considered and passed by 
the other, before it can become a law, it is 
seldom that a law is passed without due con- 
sideration." 

" Are there not some hasty and unwise 
laws passed?" said Richard. 

" Yes ; and if this is the case where there 
are two houses, much oftener would it be the 
case, if there were but one. But a bill does 
not become a law when it has been passed by 
a majority in both houses of Congress. What 
else is necessarv, William ?" 



THE pa shot's fireside. 113 

"The President must sign it," said William. 

16 Yes, he must give it his signature, or it 
does not become a law. This provision of the 
Constitution was introduced in order to fur- 
nish still another check upon hasty legisla- 
tion/ 7 

" It seems to me," said Richard, " that one 
man's voice ought not to weigh down those 
of both houses of Congress. Are there not 
sometimes men in Congress who know as 
much or more than the President?'' 

" Yes, that may often happen ; still the veto 
power, as it is called, is sometimes a whole- 
some check. The President cannot defeat 
the will of Congress by the exercise of this 
power. If two-thirds of the members of both 
houses pass the bill, it becomes a law without 
his signature." 

"I heard a man at. the blacksmith's shop 
say, that it was a kingly power ; and that it 
ought not to exist in a republican govern- 
ment. He said it would do well enough for 
the king of England to have the power, but 
that a republican President ought not to have 
it." 

" The framers of the Constitution thought 
best to give the President this power, though 
10* 



114 THE OLD STONE BOUSE, OR 

it is possible, that if they were living now, and 
had their work to do over again, they would 
withhold it. As to the king of England, it may 
be interesting to you to know, that while he 
possesses power to veto any act of Parliament, 
yet .that power has not been exercised for 
about a century. But we must not spend our 
time in talking about the provisions of the 
Constitution, when our object is to consider 
its origin and formation." 

"Who first proposed the matter?" said 
Howard. 

*' It would be difficult to say. Nearly all 
the leading men in the country felt the neces- 
sity of a change in the matter of government, 
and many expressed their opinions through 
the press. The first active measures that led 
to the Convention which formed the Consti- 
tution, were taken by James Madison. His 
measures were earnestly seconded by Alex- 
ander Hamilton. Perhaps these two men had 
more to do with the origin of the Constitution 
than any other two men. They acted cor- 
dially together in forming the government, 
though they differed much in their views of 
policy after it was established. In February, 
1787, Congress passed a resolution, recom- 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 115 

mending a Convention to meet on the second 
Monday of May ensuing, to revise the Arti- 
cles of Confederation in such a manner as 
was necessar}^ to meet the wants and preserve 
the union of the states. All the states, except 
Rhode Island, chose delegates to the Conven- 
tion. The Convention was composed of about 
forty men, for the most part, the wisest that 
could be found. Washington was chosen 
President of the Convention," 

u Were all the great generals of the Rev- 
olution there V 9 

" No : the work to be performed was a 
civil work. Therefore civilians, and not mil- 
itary men, were chosen to the work." 

" Washington was a military man." 

" True, but he was not without experience 
in civil affairs : besides, his services had been 
so pre-eminent, and his influence with the 
country so great, that no system of govern 
ment would have received the sanctior. of 
the people, if he had not taken part in its 
construction/ 5 

" Did Washington take a very active part 
in the Convention ?" said Howard. 

" He did not take an active part in the de- 
flates : his situation, as the presiding officer, 



110 THE OLD STOVE IOUSK, OR 

forbade it. He spoke but once during the ses- 
sions of the Convention. It was on the subject 
of the ratio of representation, in the Hous< 
Representatives. Some thought there should 
be one representative for every forty thousand 
inhabitants, and it was so fixed in the Con- 
stitution, as reported by the committee. A 
member moved to strike out forty, and insert 
thirty thousand. Washington then rose, and 
gave a few reasons why he should like to 
have it fixed at thirty thousand." 
'•' Did. his proposition pass ?" 
" Yes; by an unanimous vote, the number 
was fixed at thirty thousand." 

" Do you not suppose the Convention would 
have done any thing that Washington asked 
them to do ?*' said William. 

" His opinion, and his requests, would, 
doubtless, have had great weight with the 
members of the Convention ; but they were 
men capable of thinking fcr themselves, and 
felt the responsibility under which they 8 
They would have followed Washin 
wishes, so far as their judgment and sense of 
duty would allow." 

"Were there many religious men in the 
Convention?'' said Richard. 



THE PATRIOT*? FIRESIDE. 117 

6 '1 do not know how many." 

'•' Did they have prayers, as they do in Con- 
gress ?" 

" They did not ; and, as this has been the 
subject of some misrepresentation, or, at least 
of some misapprehension, I am glad you have 
mentioned it. Dr. Franklin proposed, that 
daily prayers be offered ; but the motion was 
not carried. The reason was, that the Con- 
vention had no funds to pay for the services 
of a chaplain, and they were not willing to 
ask one to serve for nothing." 

" Would it not have been better, if they had 
had prayers V 

'• Yes : so solemn and important an act, as 
the formation of a constitution of government 
for a great nation, should have been begun, 
and continued with prayer. There were pray- 
ing men in the Convention, who, I doubt not, 
earnestly sought the blessing of God upon 
their labors : still, it would have been better, 
if the sessions of the Convention had been 
opened daily with praver. The ministers of 
the Gospel in Philadelphia would, I doubt not, 
have wii.ingly performed thai service with- 
out compensat ; on. T will get a book, and 
read to vou Dr Franklin's remarks, with 



i 18 THE OLD STONE HOUSE. CR 

whicn he prefaced his motion, that prayers 
be offered. This motion was not made at 
the opening of the Convention. The Con- 
vention had been in session for some time, and 
it seemed as if it was impossible for the mem- 
bers to agree upon any plan of government. 
Even Washington began to think, that they 
should be obliged to give up in despair, and 
go home without accomplishing any thing. 
While things were in this state, Dr. Franklin 
arose and said : — 

" ' Mr. President, the small progress we have 
made after four or five weeks' close attend- 
ance, and continual reasonings with each 
other, our different sentiments on almost every 
subject is, methinks, a melancholy proof of 
the imperfection of the human understanding. 
In the situation- of this assembly, groping, as 
it were in the dark, to find political truth, and 
scarce able to distinguish it when presented to 
us ; how has it happened, sir, that we have not 
hitherto once thought of humbly applying to 
the Father of lights, to illuminate; our under- 
standing? In the beginning of the content 
with Great Britain, when we were sensible of 
danger, we had daily prayer in this room, for 
the Divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 119 

heard, and they were graciously answered. 
All of us who were engaged in the struggle, 
must have observed frequent instances of a 
superintending Providence in our favor. To 
that kind Providence, we owe this happy op- 
portunity of consulting in peace,, on the means 
of establishing our future national felicity. 
And have we forgotten that powerful friend 1 
or do we imagine that we no longer need his 
assistance ? I have lived, sir, a long time ; 
and the longer I live, the more I see of this 
truth, that God governs in the affairs of 
men. And, if a sparrow cannot fall to the 
ground without his notice, is it probable that 
an empire can rise without his aid ? We have 
been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that 
except the Lord build the house, they labor 
in vain that build it. I firmly believe this ; 
and I also believe, that without his concurring 
aid, we shall succeed in this political building, 
no better than the builders of Babel. We 
shall be divided by our little, local, partial in- 
terests ; our projects will be confounded, and 
we ourselves shall become a reproach and 
byword, down to future ages. And what is 
worse mankind may hereafter, from this un- 
fortunate instance, despair of establishing 



120 THE OLD STuNE HOUSE, OR 

governments by human wisdom, and leave 
it to chance, war, and conquest. I therefore 
beg leave to move, that henceforth prayers, 
imploring the assistance of Heaven, and its 
blessing on our deliberations, be held in this 
assembly, every morning, before we proceed 
to business ; and that one or more of the clergy 
of this city, be requested to officiate in that 
service.' 

'•' Such was the language of Dr. Franklin, 
one of the wisest philosophers who have ever 
lived. If a minister of the Gospel had made 
these remarks, they would not have been 
any the less true ; but to some they would 
have carried less weight than when uttered 
by the sage philosopher, who was never ac- 
cused of superstition or fanaticism. He was 
fully convinced of the truth that God governs 
in the affairs of men, and that his blessing is 
essential to national prosperity. This truth, 
many of the politicians of the present day. 
seem to disbelieve — at least they neglect it. 
When rulers and people forget, or neglect this 
truth, then will adversity and trouble soon 
come upon them." 

" I should think." said Howard, * that after 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 121 

such a speech from such a man, they would 
have voted to have prayers. 5 ' 

" It has been stated on good authority, that 
the reason why the motion was not carried, 
was the one I mentioned just now, viz., that 
the Convention had no funds with which to 
pay a chaplain : it was an insufficient reason 
certainly. But you wish to know something 
about the manner in which the Constitution, 
was made. In order to know all about it, 
you must read the record of the debates 
which was made by Mr. Madison. One of 
the first rules passed by the Convention was, 
that no member should give any account of 
any thing that took place in the Convention." 

" Why was such a rule passed ?" said 
William Palmer. 

" It was desirabie on many accounts. It left 
the free members to express their opinions on 
all subjects that came up, and secured them 
from any undue influence from without. Mr. 
Madison, a member of the Convention from 
Virginia, foreseeing that the debates wou'd 
be very interesting to posterity, spent his leis- 
ure hours in making full records of the pro- 
ceedings, and left the same to be published 
after his death." 

U 



122 



THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OB 



" Wi.l you please to tell us who were some 
of the greatest men in the Convention ?" said 
Richard. 

"All the members of the Convention were 
distinguished men, in their respective states, 
and many of them were well known to the 
whole country. There were Washington, 
and Franklin, and Madison, and Hamilton, and 
Randolph, and Sherman, and Ellsworth, and 
King, and the Pinckney's, and the Morrises, 
and Livingston, and many others, scarcely 
less distinguished for talents and public ser- 
vices.'"' 

" I never heard of the Morrises," said How- 
ard. 

- That, proves that you know but little about 
the great men of the Revolution. I had refer- 
ence to Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, and 
to Governeur Morris of New York. I doubt 
whether there was any one man, after Wash- 
ington, who contributed more to the success 
of the Revolution, than did Robert Morris." 
" Was he a great general ?" said William. 
41 No, he never was in the army. He was 
the great financier of the Revolution ; that is, 
he was instrumental in furnishing the means 
for feeding clothing, an' paying the aimy. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 123 

Mone} s as necessary as men, in order to 
carry on war. The services of Morris in this 
department were very great. He did what 
no other man in the country could have 
done. On one occasion, when there was no 
money in the treasury, and nothing could be 
purchased on the credit of Congress, he 
pledged his own private fortune, and thus pro- 
cured supplies, and kept the army from disso- 
lution. His life ought to be written, and his 
services and example set before the young." 

' What was the first thing the Convention 
did?" said Howard. 

" The first thing, was to choose Washington 
for their presiding officer ; the next thing, was 
to fix upon some rules of procedure, one of 
which I have alluded to. Mr. Randolph of Vir- 
ginia, then made a speech, in which he enu- 
merated the defects of the confederation, and 
then offered fifteen resolutions. These reso- 
lutions embodied the substance of a plan of 
government, conceived by Mr. Madison." 

" If Mr. Madison was the author of the 
plan, why did he not propose it to the Conven- 
tion himself?" said Richard. 

ft He did not think it wise to do so. Dr. 
Franklin says, that he always found it best 



124 THE OLD STQNE BOUSE, OR 

to have some other person bring forward the 
plans that he had formed. There are many 
reasons, why this is the best way. I will not 
dwell upon them now, hut would exhort you 
to follow the example of those wis;' men. 
When you have any valuable object to ac- 
complish, consider what is the best way to 
proceed, in order to accomplish it. You will 
find it wise to keep yourself out of view- 
as much as possible. Most, young persons 
love to make themselves prominent. When 
they have something to be d me, they wish 
to have it known that they do it. Thus they 
often throw obstacles in the way of accom- 
plishing their objects. The true way is. to fix 
the attention on the best way of doing the. 
thing to be done. Think not of yourself, but 
of the end to be gained. So that that end be 
gained, care not who has the credit of it. If 
Franklin, and JVtadison, and other wise men 
had labored to get the credit of all the good 
things they did, they never would have ac- 
complished as much as they did." 

" Was the plan of government proposed by 
Mr. Randolph, the sain;.' as thai under which 
Wf live ?" said Richard. 

It differed Iron it in several important 



the patriot's fireside. 125 

respects. It proposed that the National Leg- 
islative should consist of two houses. The 
merrters of the first house, were to be elected 
by the people of the several states. The mem- 
bers of the second house, were to be elected 
by the first house from a proper number nom- 
inated by the state Legislatures. A National 
Executive was to be chosen by the National 
Legislature. There was to be a National Ju- 
diciary — the judges to be chosen by the Na- 
tional Legislature. The Executive, and a 
convenient number of the judges, were to form 
a council of revision, who were to examine 
every act of the National Legislature, before 
it. should become a law. In the government 
under which we live, the National Legisla- 
ture, as you well know, consists of two houses ; 
the members of the one chosen by the people 
of the states, the members of the other chosen 
by the Legislatures of the states. The Exec- 
utive is chosen by the people, the judges are 
appointed by the President and Senate, and 
there is no council of revision." 

" What did Mr. Madison think would be 
the use of such a council ?" 

''• I suppose the principal thing was, to see 
that every act was constitutional. If the 
11* 



126 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

council declared a law to be unconstitutional, 
it was to be null and void." 

" Who decides whether an act of Congress 
is constitutional or not, now ?" 

" The Supreme Court of the United States, 
is the tribunal appointed by the Constitution, 
for that purpose. Whei. a case conies before 
that court under a law of Congress, and the 
court decides that the law conflicts with the 
provisions of the Constitution, they dismiss 
the case, declaring the law to be null and 
void." 

" Has the Supreme Court then more power 
than Congress has ?*' 

" No ; but it has power to decide whether 
an act of Congress is in accordance with the 
Constitution or not. The Constitution is 
supreme law of the land, and the Supreme 
Court is the interpreter of that law. But I 
will proceed in my account of the formation 
of the Constitution. Mr. Randolph, as I said, 
offered fifteen resolutions for the consideration 
of the Convention. Mr. Pinckney of South 
Carolina, then presented a plan of govern- 
ment. Of this plan, I am not able to give you 
an account. The resolutions of Mr. Ran- 
dolph were debated from day today, until the 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 127 

13th of June. By that time the members, or 
a majority of them, had agreed upon nineteen 
resolutions, which contained the substance of 
a plan of government." 

" Was it woven into the Constitution ?" said 
William. 

" Not as a whole. The plan embraced in 
those resolutions, was in brief, as follows : — 
The Legislature or Congress, was to consist 
of two houses: — the lower house to be chosen 
by the people for three years, the upper house 
to be chosen by the state Legislatures, for 
seven years. A National Executive was to 
be chosen for seven years. He was to be 
ineligible for a second term, and to possess 
powers similar to those possessed by the Pres- 
ident of the United States. There was to be 
a National Judiciary, with suitable powers. 
The Constitution was to be submitted to as- 
semblies in each state, chosen by the people 
for that purpose." 

•'' They had made some progress towards 
forming a Constitution," said Howard. 

" They had indeed, and but few know how 
great difficulty there was in making that pro- 
gress. You must remember, that some of the 
members were for revising the old Articles 



128 THE OLD STONE H<>U3E, OH 

of Confederation, and were opposed to form 
ing a new government. But a majority were 

soon convinced, that the Confederation must 
be given up. Accordingly, the first resolution 
that secured a majority of votes, was this: — ■ 
1 Resolved, that a National Government ought 
to be established, consisting of a Supreme 
Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary.' Still, 
some of the minority brought forward a plan 
for revising the Articles of Confederation, and 
the two plans were debated from the 15th, to 
the 19th of June, when there was again a de- 
cided vote in favor of the national plan. Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
Georgia, were in favor of it ; and New York, 
and New Jersey, and Delaware were against 
it. The vote of Maryland was divided. 

" Were the states present in Convention ?" 
said Richard, doubtingly. 

" They were present by their delegates. 
Each state sent as many delegates to the Con 
vention, as it chose. When they came to 
vote, they voted by states. Each state had 
one vote. A majority of the delegates from 
a state determined the vote of that state, 



THE PATRIOT^ FIJ?ESID£- 129 

When the delegates of any state were equally 
divided, the vote of that state was lost. 

'* Though a majority of the Convention had 
voted to proceed to the formation of a Na- 
tional Government, and had come to an agree- 
ment, as we have seen, in respect to some 
of its prominent features, yet their work was 
far from being done. To agree upon the de- 
tails of the general plan which they had adop- 
ted, was a work of the greatest difficulty, 
So great was the diversity of opinion, and 
of opposed interests, that it was thought to 
be impossible for them to go on. Even 
Washington, who seldom desponded, could 
say, 'I almost despair of seeing a favorable 
issue to the proceedings of the Convention, 
and I do therefore repent having had any 
agency in the business.' But the patriots 
fainted not. They continued their discussions, 
and by reasonings and mutual concessions. 
they so far came to an agreement by the 23rd 
of July, that a committee was appointed to 
prepare and report a Constitution. The Con- 
vention then adjourned to the 6th of August, 
that the committee rrght have time tapre* 
pare ; u eir report." 



130 THE OLD STONE IOUSE, OR 

** Was the work done when that rercrl was 
made ?" said Richard. 

4i Far from it. That committee reported a 
Constitution of twenty-three articles, emb 'ly- 
ing the substance of the resolutions passed 
by the Convention. The Convention I 
debated this Constitution, article by article, 
for more than four \v\-eks. and made many 
alterations and amendments. A committee 
was then appointed to arrange the articles, 
and revise the style of the instrument." 

" Who gave to the Constitution its present 
form ?" 

"Governeur Morris. Mr. Madison, in a 
letter to Prof. Sparks, says, 'The finish given 
to the style and arrangement of the Constitu- 
tion, fairly belongs to Mr. Morris. If it was 
an honor to draft the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, it was not less an honor to draft the 
Constitution of the United States.' Thus, 
after about four months' hard labor, the Con- 
stitution was finished." 

" Did most of the people like it ?" said How- 
ard. 

"There were many persons who were 
strongly opposed to it ; an 1 it was no sooner 
published, than it was made the objecr of vio- 



the patriot's fireside. 131 

lent attacks from various quarters. Among 
the most prominent of its defenders, through 
the press, were Alexander Hamilton, John 
Jay, and James Madison. Conventions were 
called in the states for ratifying or rejecting 
it. In some states, the opposition was so 
great, that it was ratified by a bare major- 
ity. In the convention o( the state of New 
York, there were thirty -one votes for it, and 
twenty-seven against it." 

u What could they say against it T 9 
* They said a great deal. The power given 
to the President, was one thing that they 
found fault with. They professed to be afraid 
that he would destroy the liberty of the coun- 
try. I do not think the Constitution would 
have been adopted by a sufficient number of 
states, to cause it to go into operation, had it 
not been well understood, that Washington 
would be the first President. So you see that 
Washington not only saved our country in 
time of the Revolution, but he also saved it 
from the perils that would have followed the 
rejection of the Constitution,— perils which 
would perhaps have destroyed our national 
existence. We can never be sufficiently 
thankful *3 God for having raised up for us 



132 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

such a military, and civil leader, as Washing, 
ton." 

" Do you not think it strange, that more 
men do not try to be like him in our time?" 
said William. 

ki I do ; and I hope that you, my young 
friends, will not be of that number who are 
loud in the praises of Washington, but take 
no pains to cultivate his spirit, and follow his 
example." 

" Do you think our government will last a 
great many years longer, unless our public 
men do become more like Washington ?" 

" The safety of the Republic depends as 
much upon the character of its citizens in 
general, as upon the character of public 
men. In fact, the character of its public men 
depends upon the character of its citizens at 
large. If all the people are patriotic, and vir- 
tuous, and intelligent, they will rarely put any 
but patriotic, virtuous, and intelligent men in 
office. When, therefore, we are laboring to 
render the people patriotic and virtuous, we 
are efficiently promoting the prosperity of our 
country, and the perpetuity of her free Institu- 
tions/' 

44 What is the best way to go to work, to 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 133 

render the people patriotic, and virtuous ?" 
said Richard. 

M In the first place, we must be patriotic 
and virtuous ourselves. Then the most im- 
portant thing is, to bring them to fear God, 
and to act from a sense of religious obliga- 
tion. If you can bring a man to love God 
with all his heart, and his neighbor as himself, 
it will not be difficult to make a good patriot 
of him. Christian patriotism, such as was pos- 
sessed by Washington, and Jay, and Wither- 
spoon, and Livingston, and Adams, and many 
others, is the only patriotism that is secure 
amid the corruptions and temptations of pub- 
lic life. Again, it is a distinctly revealed prin- 
ciple of the Divine administration, that he 
blesses nations, for the sake of those who fear 
and serve him. If there had been found 
ten righteous persons in Sodom, the city 
would not have been destroyed, but would 
have been spared for their sakes. The greater 
the number of pious persons there are in a 
country, the greater the blessings God will be- 
stow upon it for their sakes. Now there are 
many Christians in this country, and we may 
hope that, for their sakes, God will continue 
to bless us, and every additional Christian in* 
12 



134 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

creases the probability that he will do so ; that 
is, increase the number of those, for whose 
sake God will bless us. Whenever, therefore, 
we are pursuing a course adapted to promote 
the conversion of men to God, we are pursu- 
ing a course adapted most efficiently to pro- 
mote the welfare of our beloved country. 
Let us then spread the Bible far and wide ; 
let us bring its truths in contact with the 
minds of men : — thus shall we be instrumental 
in forming patriots of the highest order, — thus 
shall we promote the salvation of our country. 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 135 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE NATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

[R. MANTON'S young visitors were 
so much interested in the account 
given them of the origin and forma- 
tion of the Constitution, that they requested 
him to allow them to hear him discourse for 
them upon the subject. Some of the boys 
would have been better pleased to have heard 
stories about wars, and dreadful accidents ; 
but most of them had a desire to acquire use- 
ful information. They were satisfied that 
they could never become useful citizens, and 
qualified to take part in the management of 
civil affairs, unless they had some knowledge 
respecting the great charter of our liberties, 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Manton was very much pleased to learn 
from his son, that the boys desired to receive 
further information, and requested them to 
come the next evening, as he was making ar 



136 THE OLD STONE BOUSE, OR 

rangements for a long journey, which would 
cause him to be absent several months. 

The boys came, and Mr. Potter came with 
his son. " I beg pardon, if I intrude," said he 
to Mr. Mantort, as he entered the room ; " my 
ooy told me what he could remember of what 
you told him last evening, and I saw it was 
just what I need to know as well as he. I 
have little time for reading, and have no books 
if I had. I shall be a voter next year, and I 
want to become qualified to be a voter: I 
want to know what I am about, when I 
come to take part in affairs as a citizen of the 
country.'' 

"I am glad to see you," said Mr. Manton. 
*'I wish all our native citizens had as sound 
views in regard to the importance of political 
knowledge. The boys are at liberty to ask 
any questions they please, and I hope you will 
do the same." 

"I guess I shall get hints enough to think 
about, without troubling you with any ques- 
tions." 

" I think, that at the close of our conversa- 
tion last evening. I told you something about 
the adoption ^1 the Constitution by the several 
states." 



THE PATRIOT S FIRESIDE. 137 

* Yes, sir," said Robert, " you told us there 
were many persons opposed to the adoption 
of it, and that in the convention of New York, 
it was adopted by a majority of only four 
votes." 

" The majority in Massachusetts was very 
small ; also, in Virginia, Patrick Henry op- 
posed it there with all his power." 

" Was not Patrick Henry a patriot ?" said 
one. 

*' Yes, as pure a patriot as the country con- 
tained ; but, in his judgment, the Constitution 
was faulty, and hence he opposed its adoption. 
Mr. Madison was one of the chief defenders 
of the Constitution in the Virginia convention, 
and more than any other one man contributed 
to its adoption." 

" Was there as great opposition to the Con- 
stitution in the other states ?" 

" It was nowhere so strongly opposed as in 
New York, Massachusetts, and Virginia. In 
New Jersey, Delaware, and Georgia, it was 
adopted by an unanimous vote. 

"Do you not think, sir, that those states 
deserve credit for adopting it unanimously V 

" It was certainly creditable to the people 
of those states, that they should so readily and 
12* 



138 THE OLD STONE BDUJE, OR 

cordially adopt an instrument which h;is proved 
so beneficial in its influence. The other states, 
at the present time, are not less attached to the 
Constitution than those — nor did they, when 
it was adopted, yield a less cheerful obedience 
to its requisitions. The Constitution received 
large majorities in Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
and South Carolina. North Carolina rejected 
it, and Rhode Island refused to call a conven 
tion to consider even the question of its 
adoption/' 

" What became of those states ? Did they 
not belong to the United States any longer V 
said Howard. 

" When the new government went into 
operation, those two states were not members 
of the Union. They were, with respect to the 
United States, foreign nations — that is, they 
had no more connection with the government 
of the United States than England or France 
had. They did not, however, remain in thai 
position long. They saw the salutary work- 
ings of the Constitution, and called conven- 
tions and adopted it. Then the whole thirteen 
states were united again under the Consti- 
tution." 

'Can anyone of the states withdraw from 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 139 

the Union, whenever it chooses V said Rich- 
ard. 

" No, except in circumstances which would 
justify a revolution. The people of all the 
states are bound to obey the laws of the United 
vStates in preference to their own, unless they 
become so oppressive as to authorize a revo- 
lution; — just as the people of England are 
under obligation to obey the laws of their 
government, unless they become so oppressive 
as to authorize a revolution and an overturn- 
ing of the government." 

" When is it lawful to resort to a revolu- 
tion ?" 

" It is difficult to lay down any precise rule : 
the oppression and injustice must be great, and 
the prospect of success must also be good, 
Men are not authorized to attempt a revo- 
lution, unless the prospect is, that the evil 
attending it will be less than would result from 
enduring the oppression and injustice. If 
every act of injustice on the part of rulers 
justified a revolution, and that principle were 
acted upon, the world would never see a mo- 
ment's peace." 

"I don't quite understand what you said 
»')Out a state not having a right to withdraw 



140 THE OLD 5 TONE HOUSE, OR 

from the Union," said Potter. " The states, 
as I understand it, are united by a league or 
treaty. The Constitution is a sort of treaty 
among the states. Now if there is a treaty 
between England and France, and one of them 
violates the treaty, the other is released from 
it, — need hold itself no longer bound by it. 
So with the states : if one state find that the 
league is violated, it may withdraw. Am I 
right?" 

" No ; your error lies in regarding the Con- 
stitution as a treaty between the states, 
whereas it is a constitution of government for 
the people of the United States. It was 
adopted by the people of the United States. 
' We the people of the United States,' 
is the language of the preamble, 'do ordain 

AND ESTABLISH THIS CONSTITUTION FOR THE 

United States of America.' The people 
of the United States in their sovereign capa- 
city ordained and established the Constitution, 
and they alone can repeal it." 

" Suppose," said Potter, ''Congress passes a 
law that does not agree with a state law. The 
people cannot obey both : what are they to 
do?" 

" They are to obey the law of Congress, if 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 141 

it be constitutional — that is, if it be a law 
which the Constitution authorizes Congress to 
enact. The words of the Constitution are, 
' This Constitution, and the laws of the Uni- 
ted States, which shall be made in pursuance 

thereof, shall be the supreme law of the 

land. And the judges in every state shall be 
bound thereby, any thing in the constitution 
and laws of any state to the contrary notwith- 
standing.' This makes express provision for 
the case you supposed." 

" Well, suppose Congress makes a law that 
is not constitutional : may not the state Legis- 
lature set it aside, in that case?" 

" No ; for that would leave it in a great mea- 
sure, voluntary with the states, whether they 
would regard the acts of Congress or not, 
which was the very state of things which the 
Constitution was made to correct. The Con- 
stitution has, as I have said once before, ap- 
pointed a final interpreter, viz., the Supreme 
Court of the United States. If the people of 
any state believe a law of Congress to be un- 
constitutional, they can bring a case under it 
before the Supreme Court ; and if, in the judg- 
ment of that court, it is not constitutional, they 
will declare h null and void. If they declare 



142 THE OLD STONE HOUSE, OR 

it to be constitutional, then it must be obeyed, 
any state law to the contrary notwithstanding." 
"What is meant by nullification?" said 
Howard. 

" It is a barbarous word, which we now very 
seldom hear used, and I hope we shall hear it 
less frequently in future. It was the term 
used to express the right claimed by some for 
a state to nullify all laws of Congress, which 
the people of that state may deem unconsti- 
tutional. There are some few advocates of 
that doctrine ; but the great majority of the 
people of the United States reject it, and hold 
to the view of the Constitution which I have 
just given you.*' 

" Has the Constitution ever been violated ?" 
said Howard. 

" I think some laws have been passed, which 
the framers of the Constitution did not intend 
should ever be passed ; but in almost every 
case, there had been ground for debate on the 
subject. The more the people study the Con- 
stitution and understand it, the less liable will 
the legislators be to depart from its provisions. 
It is worthy of every man's study." 

At this moment a gentleman called, who 
had some business to transact with Mr. Man- 



THE PATRIOT'S FIRESIDE. 143 

ton. which he said would occupy him for the 
remainder of the evening. " I must leave you, 
my young friends, and it will probably be some 
time before I shall see you again. If I am 
spared to return from the journey I am about 
to undertake, I shall be happy to see you here 
again. I may never return. God knows 
what is best for me. I have commended to 
you the study of the Constitution, the supreme 
law of our land. There is a still higher law, 
which is still more worthy of your study, the 
law of God. The provisions of the Constitu- 
tion are wise, and their observance is adapted 
to promote the happiness of the nation ; but 
they are far less wise than the provisions of 
the law of God. Obey that law, and you will 
be happy. Consider at once, as null and void, 
every law and rule that conflicts with the law 
of God. While you study to be true patriots 
remember that 'a Christian is the highest 
style of man.' " 

He then shook them all cordially by the 
hand and withdrew. 



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Alice and Her Friends ; or, the Crosses 

of Childhood. 
Agnes Warrington's Mistake, hy Lucy 

Ellen Guernsey. 
Bible Lore, by Rev. J. Comper Gray. 
Brought Home, by Hesba Stretton. 
Crooked Places ; a Story of Struggles 

and Triumphs, by Edward Garrett. 
Crust and the Cake, by Edward Garrett. 
Cumberstone Contest, by the Author of 

Battles' Worth Fighting. -^ 

C6usin Bessie ; a story of Youthful Ear- 
nestness, by Mrs. E. L. Balfour," 
Character Sketches, by Norman Mac- 

leod. 
Crew of the Dolphin, by Hesba Stretton. 
Children of the East, by H. H. Jessup, 

D.D., Missionary in Syria. 
Claire's Little Charge, by the author of 

Lonely Lilly 
Christian Way (The) ; Whither it Leads, 

and How to Go On, by Rev, Washing- 
ton Gladden. 
Dray tons and the Davenants ; a story of 

the Civil Wars in . England, by the 

author of the Schonberg-Cotta Family. 
Deaf Shoemaker, and other stories, by 

Philip Barrett. 
Double Story (A), by George Macdonald. 
David Lloyd's Last Will, by Hesba 

Stretton. 
Early Dawn ; or, Sketches of Christian 

Life in England in the Olden Times, 

bv the author of the Schonberg-Cotta 

Family. 
Familiar Talks to Boys, by Rev. John 

Hall, D.D. 
Faire Gospeller (The) ; Mistress Anne 

Askew, by the author of Mary 

Powell. 
Finland Family ; or, Fancies Taken for 

Facts, by Susan Peyton Cornwall. 
Henry Willard ; or, The Value of Right 

Principles, by C. M. Trowbridge; 
Household of Sir Thos. More, by the 

author of Mary Powell. 
Happy Land ; or, Willie, the Orphan, 

by the author of Lonely Lilly. 
Half Hours in the Great Deep. With 

ioo Illustrations. 
Fred. Lawrence ; or, the World Col- 
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Frank Forrest ; or, The Life of an 

Orphan Boy, by David M. Stone. 
Glenarvon ; or, Holidays at the Cottage. 
Gypsy Breynton, by Elizabeth Stuart 

Phelps. 



Gypsy's Cousin Joy, by Elizabeth Stuart 
"Phelps. 

Gypsy's Sowing and Reaping, by Eliza- 
beth Stuart Phelps. 

Gypsy's Year at the Golden Crescent, 
by Elizabeth Stuart Phelps. 

Geoffrey, the Lollard, by Frances East- 
wood. 

Hubert, by Jacob Abbott. 

Juno and Georgie, by Jacob Abbott. 

Juno on a Journey, by Jacob Abbott. 

Kemptons (The), by H. K. Potwin. 

King's Servants (The), by Hesba Stret- 
ton. 

Lillingstones of Lillingstone, by Emma 
^Jane Worboise. 

Little Boots, by Jennie Harrison. 

Lucy's Life Story, by the author of 
Lonely Lilly. 

Lonely Lilly, by the author of Twice 
Found, etc. 

Little Nan ; or, a Living Remembrance, 
by the author of Lonely Lilly. ^ 

Layman's Story (A.J : or, The Experi- 
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Country Parish, by Lyman Abbott. 

Minnie Carleton, by Mary Belle Bart- 
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Mary Osborne, by Jacob Abbott. «P 

Margaret, by C. C. Fraser Tytler, author 
of Jasmine Leigh. 

Nelly's Dark Days, by Hesba Stretton. 

On Both Sides of the Sea : A Story of 
the Commonwealth and the Restora- 
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Old Back Room (The), by Jennie 
Harrison-. 

Folly and Winnie : A story ef the Good 
Samaritan, by the author of lonely 
Lilly, &c. 

Russell Family (The), by Anna Hastings. 

Syrian Home Life,, by Rev. H. H. Jes- 
sup, D.D. 

Starling (The), by Norman Macleodr 

Tom Burltm ; or, The Better Way. 

Toil and Trust ; or, The Life Story of 
Patty, by Mrs. E. L. Balfour. 

Twice Found, by the author of Lonely 
Lilly. 

Victory of the Vanquished : A Story of 
the First Century, by the author of the 
Schonberg-Cotta Family. 

Wonderful Life. A Life of Christ, by 
Hesba Stretton. 

Wandering May, by^he author of Lonely 
Lilly, &c. 



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